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1
Bruneau, Emile, Daniel Lane, and Muniba Saleem. "Giving the Underdog a Leg Up." Social Psychological and Personality Science 8, no. 7 (April 27, 2017): 746–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550616683019.
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In the current work, we experimentally examined the effect of exposure to a narrative of nonviolent resistance on third-party attitudes toward and support for a disempowered group involved in asymmetric conflict. Across three experiments, we found that Americans exposed to a brief video about Palestinian nonviolent resistance consistently registered more favorable attitudes toward Palestinians than people who watched a film trailer either unrelated to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict or a trailer to a Palestinian-made film about sympathetic Palestinians violently opposing Israelis. Americans’ attitudes toward Palestinians and behavior supporting Palestinian collective action persisted weeks after exposure to nonviolent resistance and were mediated by decreased perceptions that Palestinians are inherently violent. Importantly, positive attitudes toward Palestinians did not result in increased negativity toward Israelis. These data show that exposure to nonviolent resistance can have lasting effects on third-party attitudes and behavior toward an underdog/disempowered group, without driving partisanship.
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Kayyal, Mary H., and Sherri C. Widen. "What Made Sahar Scared?: Imaginary and Realistic Causes in Palestinian and American Children’s Concept for Fear." Journal of Cognition and Culture 15, no. 1-2 (March 17, 2015): 32–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685373-12342139.
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Young children associate fear with monsters, ghosts, and other imaginary creatures more than with real threats to safety, such as robbers or bullies – at least in Western societies. Cross-cultural studies are rare, are limited to older children, and have not asked if the role of the imagination extends to emotions other than fear. In this study, young Palestinian and American children (60 in each group, 3–7 years, age- and sex-matched) were asked to tell stories in which they generated a cause for fear as well as happiness, sadness, anger and surprise. Imaginary creatures were rarely cited as the cause of any emotion other than fear, but were cited frequently for fear by both Palestinians and Americans. There was also a cultural difference: Palestinians generated significantly fewer imaginary and more realistic causes for fear than did Americans. Thus, imaginary causes are a part of Palestinian children’s fear concept, but imaginary causes are not primary as they are for American children; for Palestinian children, realistic causes are primary in their fear concept.
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Aljamal, Yousef M., and Philipp O. Amour. "Palestinian Diaspora Communities in Latin America and Palestinian Statehood." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 19, no. 1 (May 2020): 101–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2020.0230.
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There are some 700,000 Latin Americans of Palestinian origin, living in fourteen countries of South America. In particular, Palestinian diaspora communities have a considerable presence in Chile, Honduras, and El Salvador. Many members of these communities belong to the professional middle classes, a situation which enables them to play a prominent role in the political and economic life of their countries. The article explores the evolving attitudes of Latin American Palestinians towards the issue of Palestinian statehood. It shows the growing involvement of these communities in Palestinian affairs and their contribution in recent years towards the wide recognition of Palestinian rights — including the right to self-determination and statehood — in Latin America. But the political views of members of these communities also differ considerably about the form and substance of a Palestinian statehood and on the issue of a two-states versus one-state solution.
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Karasova, Tatiana A. "Biden Priorities and Possible Strategy for Palestinian-Israeli Conflict Settlement." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 6 (2021): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080017648-9.
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Israeli-U.S. relations are an important factor in U.S. policy in the Middle East. USA maintain Israel as a strategic ally and Israel was granted American “major non-NATO ally” status. United States actively influenced the Israeli regional policy. The Palestinian-Israeli conflict settlement was always America’ the most priority area. Israelis and Americans share the view that the United States has a predominant role and responsibility in the Palestinians - Israeli dispute peace-making. The two-state outcome and critical issue over Israeli settlements in the West Bank and Jerusalem was a topic of American concerns for a long time relied on bipartisanship support of Democrats and Republicans. During Osama’s presidency D. Biden held post of deputy president and supported no new ideas for restarting negotiations between the sides of the conflict but its policies have failed, from Israel’s refusal to freeze settlement. The next Trump administration however was the “most pro-Israel ever”. Trump’s White House led a radical departure from the U.S.’s traditional role as the honest broker between Israelis and Palestinians. Biden’s victory in 2021 signals restructure Israeli-Palestinian peace efforts, rehabilitating a durable two-state formula that establishes political, territorial, and demographic separation between Israel and the Palestinian Authority (PA). But uunlike the Obama and Trump administrations, the Biden administration doesn't see the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a foreign policy priority. The question is: what really a Biden presidency might mean for the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict?
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Ben Hagai, Ella, and Eileen L. Zurbriggen. "Between tikkun olam and self-defense: Young Jewish Americans debate the Israeli-Palestinian conflict." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 5, no. 1 (April 5, 2017): 173–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v5i1.629.
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In this study, we examined processes associated with ingroup members’ break from their ingroup and solidarity with the outgroup. We explored these processes by observing the current dramatic social change in which a growing number of young Jewish Americans have come to reject Israel’s treatment of the Palestinians. We conducted a yearlong participant observation and in-depth interviews with 27 Jewish American college students involved in Israel advocacy on a college campus. Findings suggest that Jewish Americans entering the Jewish community in college came to learn about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict through a lens of Jewish vulnerability. A bill proposed by Palestinian solidarity organizations to divest from companies associated with Israel (part of the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions or BDS movement) was also interpreted through the lens of Israel's vulnerability. As the college’s Student Union debated the bill, a schism emerged in the Jewish community. Some Jewish students who had a strong sense of their Jewish identity and grounded their Judaism in principles of social justice exhibited a greater openness to the Palestinian narrative of the conflict. Understanding of Palestinian dispossession was associated with the rejection of the mainstream Jewish establishment’s unconditional support of Israel. Moreover, dissenting Jewish students were concerned that others in the campus community would perceive them as denying the demands of people of color. We discuss our observations of the process of social change in relation to social science theories on narrative acknowledgment and collective action.
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Sayigh, Rosemary. "Where Are the History Books for Palestinian Children?" Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 16, no. 2 (November 2017): 145–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2017.0163.
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Colonialism deprives colonised peoples of the self-determined histories needed for continued struggle. Scattered since 1948 across diverse educational systems, Palestinians have been unable to control their education or construct an authentic curriculum. This paper covers varied schooling in the Palestinian diaspora. I set this state of ‘splitting through education’ as contradictory to international declarations of the right of colonised peoples to culturally relevant education. Such education would include histories that explain their situation, and depict past resistances. I argue for the production of histories of Palestine for Palestinian children, especially those in refugee camps as well as in Israel and Jerusalem, where curricula are controlled by the settler-coloniser. Black and Native Americans have dealt with exclusion from history in ways that offer models for Palestinians.
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Durán S, Roberto. "Latin Americans with Palestinian Roots." Si Somos Americanos 20, no. 1 (June 2020): 218–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0719-09482020000100218.
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Rickford, Russell. "“To Build a New World”: Black American Internationalism and Palestine Solidarity." Journal of Palestine Studies 48, no. 4 (2019): 52–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2019.48.4.52.
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This essay traces the arc of Black American solidarity with Palestine, placing the phenomenon in the context of twentieth-century African American internationalism. It sketches the evolution of the political imaginary that enabled Black activists to depict African Americans and Palestinians as compatriots within global communities of dissent. For more than half a century, Black internationalists identified with Zionism, believing that the Jewish bid for a national homeland paralleled the African American freedom struggle. During the 1950s and 1960s, however, colonial aggression in the Middle East led many African American progressives to rethink the analogy. In the late 1960s and the 1970s, African American dissidents operating within the nexus of Black nationalism, Pan-Africanism, and Third Worldism constructed powerful theories of Afro-Palestinian kinship. In so doing, they reimagined or transcended bonds of color, positing anti-imperialist struggle, rather than racial affinity, as the precondition of camaraderie.
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ABU EL-HAJ, THEA RENDA. ""I Was Born Here, but My Home, It's Not Here": Educating for Democratic Citizenship in an Era of Transnational Migration and Global Conflict." Harvard Educational Review 77, no. 3 (September 1, 2007): 285–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/haer.77.3.412l7m737q114h5m.
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In this article, Thea Renda Abu El-Haj shares her research on how a group of Palestinian American high school youth understand themselves as members of the U.S. community, of the Palestinian American community, and of communities in Palestine. She argues that, for these youth, coming to terms with who they are has a great deal to do both with how they view themselves and how Palestinian Americans are viewed in the imagined community of the United States, especially after September 11, 2001. Her research reports on the tensions these youth face as they deal with school issues, like pledging allegiance to the U.S. flag, teacher harassment, and disciplinary sanctions related to being framed as "terrorists," that affect how they think about citizenship and belonging. Given the complex way these and other youth experience belonging, Abu El-Haj ends with a call for a greater commitment to, and a more nuanced understanding of, citizenship education.
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Najjar, Orayb, and Marianne van Leeuwen. "Americans and the Palestinian Question: The US Public Debate on Palestinian Nationhood, 1973-1988." Journal of American History 81, no. 2 (September 1994): 826. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081414.
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Quandt, William B., and Marianne Van Leeuwen. "Americans and the Palestinian Question: The U.S. Public Debate on Palestinian Nationhood, 1973-1988." Foreign Affairs 73, no. 2 (1994): 166. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045985.
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Kampf, Ronit, and Nathan Stolero. "Learning About the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict Through Computerized Simulations." Social Science Computer Review 36, no. 1 (December 16, 2016): 125–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0894439316683641.
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This study investigates the learning outcomes of a computer game, called Global Conflicts, simulating the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. The research compares learning outcomes of Israeli–Jewish, Palestinian, Turkish, and American undergraduate students, differentiating between direct and third parties to the conflict. Learning is measured by (1) knowledge acquisition about the conflict and (2) attitude change regarding the conflict. Findings show that participants acquired knowledge about the conflict after playing the game. The game minimized the knowledge gap between third parties to the conflict (Americans and Turks) but not between direct parties to the conflict. In addition, direct parties to the conflict did not change their attitudes toward the conflict and the Gaza operation of 2012, while the attitudes of third parties became more balanced. This study has implications for the scholarship on pedagogy and teaching assessment in the context of peacebuilding. It is part of a series of studies analyzing the effects of computerized simulations on peacebuilding, and further research is necessary to understand under what conditions technology can be used as an effective peacebuilding intervention.
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Srour, Soha. "Forty Years after the War of June 1967." American Journal of Islam and Society 24, no. 4 (October 1, 2007): 148–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v24i4.1529.
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On 5 June 2007, the fortieth anniversary of the Six Day War and the Israelioccupation of Palestine, the Kay Spiritual Life Center hosted “Forty Yearsafter the War of June 1967: Is Israeli-Palestinian Peace Possible?” on thecampus of American University in Washington, DC. This panel featuredYuval Rabin (son of former Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin; governing board,the Rabin Center), Amjad Atallah (president, Strategic Assessments Initiative),Aaron David Miller (public policy scholar, the Woodrow WilsonCenter), and Ziad Asali (president, American Task Force on Palestine; panelchair).Rabin opened by describing the Six Day War as “a war of our existence.”He discussed the importance of the Camp David, Oslo, and other negotiationsand then talked about Israel’s 1967 victory. After stating that both sidesin this continued conflict have faced hardship, he also mentioned the lack ofknowledge involving certain issues.Atallah explained how Americans are bogged down with this conflict’stechnicalities, such as the number of checkpoints, which causes them to neglectthe bigger picture. He pointed out that on 29 November 1947, the UnitedNations General Assembly passed a resolution (33 to 13) recommending thatPalestine be partitioned into two states, with over half of the land going to theJews and the rest going to the Palestinians. By May 1948, according to theUnited Nations and the State Department, 350,000 Palestinians had beenexpelled from their homes. The Arab states declared war on Israel and, outnumberedand under-equipped, 400,000 more Palestinians were expelled. Atthe time, the Israelis accepted partition and the Arabs rejected the plan. Heexplained that the Israelis rushed to the Sinai Peninsula and the Jordan riverand fully understood the rules of diplomacy. This resulted in Jordan takingover what is now the West Bank. In the course of the Six Day War, another600,000 Palestinians were displaced, some for the second time ...
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Cavari, Amnon, and Guy Freedman. "Partisan Cues and Opinion Formation on Foreign Policy." American Politics Research 47, no. 1 (December 12, 2017): 29–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x17745632.
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How does the extension of party conflict to a foreign policy issue affect the ability of Americans to form an opinion about the issue? We test this using elite references and longitudinal public opinion data about the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, a salient foreign policy issue in the United States that is increasingly characterized by partisan divisions. Our findings demonstrate that since the turn of the 21st century, the availability and clarity of party cues have increased, as well as the share of Americans who hold an opinion about the issue. Applying regression models to individual-level data, we reveal that the extension of party conflict to this issue has made it easier for more Americans to form an opinion.
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Moughrabi, Fouad, and Pat El-Nazer. "What Do Palestinian Americans Think? Results of a Public Opinion Survey." Journal of Palestine Studies 18, no. 4 (1989): 91–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537500.
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Moughrabi, Fouad, and Pat El-Nazer. "What Do Palestinian Americans Think? Results of a Public Opinion Survey." Journal of Palestine Studies 18, no. 4 (July 1989): 91–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.1989.18.4.00p0132a.
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Gusterson, Hugh. "Diaspora, war, Gaza." Anthropology Today 40, no. 1 (January 31, 2024): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8322.12860.
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This guest editorial examines how diasporic communities influence modern wars amidst globalization and rising ethnonationalism. It discusses historical tensions between states and diasporas during conflicts, referencing world wars and recent issues involving Chinese Americans in the US. The editorial highlights the roles played by diasporas in various conflicts, including the internment of Japanese Americans in World War II, scrutiny of Chinese Americans during Trump's presidency, and Irish expatriates’ involvement with the IRA. It focuses particularly on the Israel‐Gaza conflict, noting the active participation of Israeli and Palestinian diasporas in North America, often marked by internal disagreements. The piece argues that these diasporas, though physically distant from the conflicts, significantly influence global perspectives and the nature of warfare through public opinion and social media, thereby reshaping the contemporary understanding of war.
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Salaita, Steven. "The Ethics of Intercultural Approaches to Indigenous Studies." International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcis.v1i1.18.
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Salaita argues that the project of Indigenous Studies is inherently comparative, citing numerous examples of productive intercultural scholarship, he explores historical, cultural, and politicalrelationships among Native North Americans and Palestinian Arabs to illuminate some of the ways that comparison offers the potential for new directions in both scholarly and activist communities. He contextualizes this analysis with a broader discussion of the ethics of scholarship in Indigenous Studies, paying special attention to the relationship of nationalistic commitment to intercultural methodologies.
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Cohen, Yinon, and Andrea Tyree. "Palestinian and Jewish Israeli-born Immigrants in the United States." International Migration Review 28, no. 2 (June 1994): 243–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839402800201.
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This article considers both Arab and Jewish emigration from Israel to the United States, relying on the 5 percent Public Use Microdata Sample (PUMS) of the 1980 U.S. census. Using the ancestry and language questions to identify Jews and Arabs, we found that over 30 percent of Israeli-bom Americans are Palestinian-Arab natives of Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza Strip. While the Jews are of higher educational levels, hold better jobs and enjoy higher incomes than their Arab counterparts, both groups have relatively high socioeconomic characteristics. Both have high rates of self-employment, particularly the Palestinian-Arabs, who appear to serve as middlemen minority in the grocery store business in the cities where they reside. The fact that nearly a third of Israeli-born immigrants are Arabs accounts for the occupational diversity previously observed of Israelis in America but does not account for their income diversity as much as does differences between early and recent immigrants.
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Hagai, Ella Ben, Eileen L. Zurbriggen, Phillip L. Hammack, and Megan Ziman. "Beliefs Predicting Peace, Beliefs Predicting War: Jewish Americans and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict." Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy 13, no. 1 (July 29, 2013): 286–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/asap.12023.
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Bloch, Barbara. "‘David vs Goliath’: Australian Jewish Perceptions of Media Bias in Reporting the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict." Media International Australia 109, no. 1 (November 2003): 166–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0310900115.
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This article seeks to show how the notion of ‘media bias’ has functioned in much Jewish discomfort and anger with how the second, or Al Aqsa, intifada has been represented by mainstream Australian and global media. My objective is not to demonstrate that this reporting in general favours one side of this conflict over the other, nor that there is an unproblematic position of balance which could be attained. Rather, I utilise the concept of media frames to problematise responses by Jewish and other audiences regarding Palestinians being represented by the media sympathetically as the ‘underdog’, and accusations of media bias against Israel. I examine the work that the metaphor ‘David versus Goliath’ has accomplished over the longer period of the Arab–Israeli conflict and how it has framed the conflict for both media and audiences. Finally, I draw on Judith Butler's writing on ‘explanation and exoneration’ in relation to what could be spoken of, and heard, by Americans in the September 11 attacks, to suggest that a similar discourse exists in relation to how Israeli and Palestinian violence can be spoken of from the perspective of Israel. I argue that the accusations of media bias against Israel circulate around a sense that the Israeli and Jewish narrative has been to some extent decentred by sections of the international media and other bodies.
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Shumilina, Inna V. "Democratic Party Crisis as Result of the Middle East Conflict-2023." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 1 (2024): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760029811-9.
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The unprecedented October 7, 2023, attack by the paramilitary wing of Hamas against Israeli civilians and peaceful targets has thoroughly shaken up social and political forces in the United States, Israel's main traditional ally. The ideological outbreak of pro-Palestinian Americans, many of whom constituted the core constituency of the Democratic Party candidate in the last presidential election, briefly weakened the cohesion of Biden's supporters in the 2024 election. Whether the Democratic Party will be able to hold on to its supporters under the pressure of ideological differences over the Middle East conflict is an open question.
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Bisharat, Rasem. "The Palestinian Diaspora and Latin American Solidarity with the Palestinian Cause: Brazil as a Model." Latin American Perspectives 46, no. 3 (March 11, 2019): 102–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x19835524.
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The Palestinian diaspora and Arab communities in Latin America, especially in Brazil, have contributed significantly to the Palestinian cause in Latin America. The convergence between these communities and union and left parties encouraged the left to include the Palestinian cause on its agenda. Brazil may be considered a model in this respect because of the influence of its Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers’ Party—PT), which led the Latin American left after the founding of the São Paulo Forum in 1992. The Palestinian community has an even greater role to play today, the more so since the PT’s exclusion from power favors Israel at the expense of the Palestinian cause. A diáspora palestina e as comunidades árabes na América Latina, especialmente no Brasil, teem contribuído significativamente para a causa palestina na América Latina. A convergência entre essas comunidades, sindicatos e partidos de esquerda levou a esquerda a incluir a causa palestina em sua agenda. O Brasil pode ser considerado um modelo nesse aspecto devido à influência do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), que liderou a esquerda latino-americana após a fundação do Fórum de São Paulo em 1992. A comunidade palestina tem uma relevância ainda maior já que a perda de poder do PT favorece Israel em detrimento da causa palestina.
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Grineski, Sara E., Timothy W. Collins, and Ricardo Rubio. "Distributional Environmental Injustices for a Minority Group without Minority Status: Arab Americans and Residential Exposure to Carcinogenic Air Pollution in the US." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 16, no. 24 (December 4, 2019): 4899. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph16244899.
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Distributional environmental injustices in residential exposure to air pollution in Arab American enclaves have not been examined. We conducted our investigation at the census tract-level across the continental United States using a set of socio-demographic variables to predict cancer risk from hazardous air pollutant (HAP) exposure. Arab enclaves had a mean cancer risk score of 44.08, as compared to 40.02 in non-enclave tracts. In terms of the specific origin groups, Moroccan enclaves had the highest cancer risk score (46.93), followed by Egyptian (45.33), Iraqi (43.13), Jordanian (41.67), and Lebanese (40.65). In generalized estimating equations controlling for geographic clustering and other covariates, Arab enclaves had significantly higher cancer risks due to HAPs (p < 0.001) than non-enclaves. When looking at specific ethnic origins, Iraqi, Palestinian, and Lebanese enclaves had significantly higher cancer risks due to HAPs (all p < 0.01) than non-enclaves. Results reveal significant environmental injustices for Arab American enclaves that should be examined in future studies. Results suggest that environmental injustice may be another way in which Arab Americans are disadvantaged as a racialized minority group without minority status.
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Radman, Mahyoub Hassan. "Jerusalem in the contents of the deal of the century “contents and analysis”." Yemen University Journal 8, no. 8 (February 11, 2023): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.57117/j.v8i8.52022.
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There is no doubt that the study of the issue of Jerusalem in the contents of the American-Zionist peace plan or the so-called deal of the century was based on several hypotheses and questions in order to achieve a number of goals, and to highlight the real facts and information about the issue of Jerusalem throughout the different eras, to refute the allegations, false information and fallacies that came in the contents of the deal. The first, second, and fifth hypotheses were proven to be unreliable, while the third and fourth hypotheses were completely proven, and after the study proved the credibility of some hypotheses and the wrongness of others, and answered all the questions raised, the study reached some results, and made some recommendations. Theoretical framework: There is no doubt in saying that the deal of the century, or in a more precise sense, a trick or slap of the century that was developed according to the desires and whims of the Zionists and Americans, seeking to impose it on the Arabs, whether in light of the torn and dispersed Arab reality, or violence and civil wars in some Arab countries, and with the support and participation of some Arabs aspiring to power and they have Political visions and aspirations. They seek, with or without realization, to achieve foreign agendas and plans, whether through their direct participation in these wars on the one hand, or adopting the financing of the deal to make it a success out of their desire to please the United States of America, and in order to provide . First: – Previous Studies “Articles ” support in order to reach power 1. Deal of the Century, Analysis and Alternatives” , In return for ” highlighting Judaism as an eternal religion in Jerusalem, and analyzing the contents of the deal regarding Jerusalem on the other hand, and benefiting from it will be in several aspects. 2. The deal of the century: a deal between Trump and Netanyahu to liquidate the cause and rights of the people of Palestine. This paper deals with the deal in general through an introduction to Trump’s rise to power, and his administration’s move to publish its unilateral plan, which had been promoted and its main elements leaked with regard to Jerusalem, refugees and settlements, after putting it into practice according to the principle of imposing peace by force and imposing solutions and dictates. It is noted that the paper has dealt with the deal from multiple aspects, and can be used in relation to the status of Jerusalem and what is related to it. Second: The problem and importance of the study: based on the fact that the Zionist-Palestinian sides signed the Oslo peace agreement in 1993 AD, and they have more than a quarter of a century, and they are still farther than ever, and that the Zionist-Palestinian conflict is the most difficult, and that the occupied city of Jerusalem is a focal point In this struggle, the in-depth reading of the deal in terms of content and repetition is to emphasize the things that serve the Zionist entity, and the connotations, expressions, overtones, and the disregard and transgression of the Palestinian existence and right. Hence the importance of the objective study, since it is related to the issue of Jerusalem in the American-Zionist deal, that sensitive and thorny issue in the Arab-Zionist conflict since the declaration of the state of the Zionist entity, and the strategy of occupation and annexation of this city from then, until the announcement of the Trump deal at the beginning of the year 2020 AD, in addition to transferring The American embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, in addition to the American endeavor to impose the deal of the century by force in light of the torn Arab situation, and the support of some Arab countries for this deal and the announcement of their support and financing. As for the scientific importance, it stems from the lack of scientific studies on this issue, if not non-existent, especially since the deal is recent, announced at the beginning of the year 2020 AD. It is a scientific addition to the Yemeni libraries in particular, and the Arab and Palestinian libraries in general. Third: Study questions and hypotheses: The American measures, whether moving the embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, or announcing the plan and seeking to implement it despite its provisions and contents, perpetuate and legitimize the continuation of the occupation on the one hand, and undermine the previous peace negotiations (Oslo 2), and in violation of international resolutions on Jerusalem on the other hand, these past and current American steps It raises two big questions: To what extent does the plan or deal agree, whether with the historical, natural, political, and geographical rights of the Palestinians, or with international laws, customs, and decisions regarding Jerusalem? And what is the extent of the bias of the American mediator in implementing settlement policies, visions, ideas, and Zionist plans? These two questions raise many subsidiary questions, such as: What does Jerusalem mean to Arabs and Muslims? And why Jerusalem?, What is the strategy of the Zionist entity in Jerusalem since its occupation in 1967 AD?, What are the terms and contents of the plan regarding Jerusalem?, And what is the vision of the plan for the issue of Jerusalem? To which party does it depend? Is the plan consistent with previous agreements and international resolutions? What are the reasons and motives that prompted the US administration during the Trump era to take such measures, especially in Jerusalem? Do these measures achieve peace between the Palestinians and the Zionists? And what did the deal give? Or the plan for the Palestinians in Jerusalem? As for the assumptions, they are as follows: 1.There is a real and strong connection between the Jews and Jerusalem 2.The historical evidence proves that the Zionist state was a trustworthy guardian of the holy places in Jerusalem, and no one else, as the deal claims. 3.There is a direct relationship between the Zionist measures and policies in Jerusalem, and the American positions. 4.There is a strong correlation between the Arab and Palestinian situations, the transfer of the US embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, the launch of the US-Zionist deal, and the contents of the plan regarding Jerusalem. 5.The contents of the plan and related to the issue of Jerusalem are consistent with international laws and resolutions, customs and traditions followed in peace plans, and serve the achievement of peace between the Zionists, Arabs and Palestinians. Fourth: The methodology used, the study relies on two approaches: The legal approach, and the analytical approach, the legal one is used in order to highlight the extent of the legality and legitimacy of the contents of the plan, and its commitment to international covenants, customs, agreements, laws and decisions, aspects of agreement or violation of international law and international decisions, and the legality of the Zionist or American actions in Jerusalem, while the analytical approach is in the historical and descriptive part to find out Some historical aspects of the city of Jerusalem, and the Zionist policies and procedures that have not stopped since the occupation of Jerusalem in 1967, and are still continuing until the emergence of the deception deal in order to: Judaize the city, and obliterate its Islamic and Christian cultural and religious identity and its archaeological monuments. As for the analytical part, it relates to analyzing the American position that is supportive of either the Zionist measures and policies in Jerusalem, or in international forums to obstruct the decisions issued regarding the Palestinian cause and Jerusalem. Fifth: Objectives: The study seeks to achieve the following objectives: 1.Showing the vision of the deal for the city of Jerusalem and its dependency through the contents and statements. 2.Highlighting aspects of agreement or disagreement in these contents, whether with international rights, laws and decisions, or international covenants such as the Charter of the United Nations, the Arab League, and the Organization of the Islamic Conference. 3.Revealing the bias of the American mediator in the Palestinian-Zionist negotiations, and in the terms and contents of the deal that former President Trump sought to implement in favor of the Zionist entity. 4.Clarifying the aspects of manipulation in terms, words, and general, ambiguous and elastic expressions in the contents with regard to Palestinian rights in Jerusalem, and the accuracy, clarity, and repetition of Zionist rights in Jerusalem. 5.Introducing the issue of Jerusalem and its subordination before the declaration of the Zionist entity’s state, and following Zionist policies in Jerusalem since 1967 AD.
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Reed, Adolph. "The Logic of Democratic Exclusion: African Americans in the United States and Palestinian Citizens in Israel." Journal of Palestine Studies 34, no. 4 (January 1, 2005): 117–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2005.34.4.117.
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Mady, Abdel-Fattah. "American foreign policy and peace in the Middle East." Contemporary Arab Affairs 3, no. 3 (July 1, 2010): 271–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2010.493739.
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The purpose of this study is to answer the following question: ‘Does US foreign policy undermine peace efforts in the Occupied Palestinian Territories?’ Careful observations of US foreign policy during the Oslo Process reveal that the United States has indeed undermined peace efforts in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. The American position substantially departed from United Nations Resolutions 242 and 338, which the Palestinians were promised would serve as the basis for negotiations. Although the American–Israeli alliance underwent periodic adjustments, American foreign policy has, over the last decade, helped to create a framework in the Middle East wherein only Israeli needs have legitimacy. During the Oslo Process, the United States and Israel have tried to impose Israel's plans on the Palestinians, ignoring United Nations resolutions and the international community. The evidence reveals that US foreign policy was based on double standards and unfair terms. Further, the seeming link between the aid provided by the United States to Israel and the latter's aggressive policies toward the Palestinians makes it appear as though Washington is ‘rewarding’ such policies, that is, as if Washington is enabling Israel to deny Palestinians’ legitimate rights, violate United Nations resolutions and principles of international law, keep its military occupation forces, and expand Jewish settlements in the Occupied Palestinian Territories.
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Wright, J. W. "Economic Inequality and the Choice of Self-Employment among Americans of Lebanese, Palestinian, and Syrian Ethnic Descent." Journal of Individual Employment Rights 7, no. 4 (January 1, 1998): 307–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/rxg0-yek7-uw5n-nljx.
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Brocket, Tom. "From “in-betweenness” to “positioned belongings”: second-generation Palestinian-Americans negotiate the tensions of assimilation and transnationalism." Ethnic and Racial Studies 43, no. 16 (December 3, 2018): 135–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2018.1544651.
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Ehrlich, Michael. "Palestinian Immigration from Latin American and Middle Eastern Perspectives." Journal of Migration History 5, no. 3 (November 14, 2019): 512–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00503005.
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The data obtained from Chile and Palestine suggests that there was only one significant immigration wave from Palestine to Chile – from the end of the nineteenth century until the First World War. This immigration was enabled by favourable global conditions such as available and reliable transportation, rather than being provoked by the exceptional hardship alleged to have occurred during those years. Palestinian immigration was chain migration: family members followed those who had immigrated earlier. Nonetheless, these were relatively short chains, which included only a handful of links. Those who arrived from Bethlehem and Bayt-Jala tended to marry Palestinian partners. These partners probably also stemmed from the same towns. Palestinians who arrived from other places often found local partners. Agar and Saffie have already demonstrated that the number of Palestinians in Chile is far fewer than the 350,000 suggested by Baeza, not to mention the 500,000 indicated by less credible sources. Yet, Agar and Saffie dealt with descendants, which is merely a technical term indicating someone with at least one Arab great-grandparent. It seems very difficult to determine to what extent such people identify themselves with their Arab or Palestinian origins. Therefore, the number of those who consider themselves Chileans of Palestinian origin is lower than 50,000, but how large precisely can only be speculated.
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Ben Hagai, Ella, Adam Whitlatch, and Eileen L. Zurbriggen. "“We didn’t talk about the conflict”: The birthright trip’s influence on Jewish Americans’ understanding of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict." Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology 24, no. 2 (May 2018): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/pac0000289.
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A. Musallam, Adnan. "Early Palestinian Emigration to the Americas and British Mandatory Citizenship Policies toward Returning Immigrants from Latin America, 19th to Early 20th Centuries." Addaiyan Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 7, no. 1 (October 10, 2019): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.36099/ajahss.1.7.1.
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Thirty one years have passed since we began talking about the emigration problem in Palestinian society at Al-Liqa’ Center in Jerusalem and Bethlehem and twenty six years have elapsed since the holding of the Al-Liqa’ pioneering conference on the problem of emigration where Palestinian academicians, church leaders and others met to discuss this pressing issues facing Palestinian society. Emigration to the Americas was an inseparable part of international migration of human waves, which started between 1880 and 1920 from South and Central Europe and from the Ottoman Empire to the United States. This paper is an effort to analyze in detail about the early Palestinian emigration, Palestinian immigrants in Latin America and its historical perspective, related movements, and the history of Palestinians’ settlement in Latin America.
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Serhan, Randa. "Palestinian Weddings: Inventing Palestine in New Jersey." Journal of Palestine Studies 37, no. 4 (2008): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2008.37.4.21.
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As the political situation of the Palestinians has changed, so too have the customs and practices of Palestinians in the Diaspora. Using Eric Hobsbawm's concept of ““invented tradition”” as a point of departure, this article explores the origins, functions, and implications of some of the elements——including dance, song, and costume——of Palestinian-American wedding celebrations in the New York/New Jersey/Pennsylvania area, which since the first intifada have evolved into occasions for celebrating nationalist as well as communal identity.
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Christison, Kathleen. "U.S. Policy and the Palestinians: Bound by a Frame of Reference." Journal of Palestine Studies 26, no. 4 (1997): 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537906.
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From the era of Woodrow Wilson, when the United States committed itself to support the Zionist program in Palestine, American public opinion on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict has been formed and policy has been made from a restricted, generally Israel-centered vantage point. This frame of reference has excluded the Palestinian perspective and, in the struggle for Palestine that culminated in the Palestinians' dispossession in 1948, has made it impossible for U.S. policymakers to take this seminal episode into account in shaping Middle East policy.
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Malekzadeh, Shervin. "Forlorn Arabs and Flying Americans: National Identity in the Early Childhood Curriculum of Postrevolutionary Iran, 1979–2009." Iranian Studies 55, no. 3 (July 2022): 741–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irn.2022.30.
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AbstractDrawing upon three decades of postrevolutionary textbooks, this article traces the development of the Arab Muslim as a recurring character in the early elementary curriculum of the Islamic Republic, set against the historical context of Iranian modernization and state formation in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Sympathy for the Arab by the postrevolutionary state included a rebuke and an affirmation: Look at what has happened to the Arabs who were not able to defend their homes and their homeland, and look at what has not happened to us. Set against the Palestinian Arab figure are the accomplishments of American scientists and inventors who feature prominently in the postrevolutionary curriculum as sources of emulation for young readers. Star turns from Thomas Edison, Alexander Graham Bell, and Orville and Wilbur Wright invite a reconsideration of the role of the foreign Other in the construction of Iranian national identity, notably the expectation that the dispossessed constitute natural allies in Iran's ceaseless struggle against “the West.” Islamization of the primary school curriculum since 1979 has not come at the expense of Iranian national identity but as its expression, elucidating the ways postrevolutionary educational materials can serve as a repository for tracing the continuities and permutations in depicting the Arab or Western Other as well as different civilizational ethos of the Islamic and Persianate world across time.
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Dekmejian, R. Hrair. "Comparative Study of Muslim Minorities." American Journal of Islam and Society 8, no. 2 (September 1, 1991): 307–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v8i2.2628.
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Most of the world’s Muslims reside in countries where they are numericallypredominant. As such, these Muslims possess a majoritarian outlook in sharpcontrast to the perspective of minority Muslims living in India, China, theUSSR, and some Western countries. In recent years, Muslim minorities havefound themselves at the confluence of diverse social forces and politicaldevelopments which have heightened their sense of communal identity andapprehension vish-vis non-Muslim majorities. This has been particularlytrue of the crisis besetting the Indian Muslims in 1990-91 as well as the newlyformed Muslim communities in Western Europe.The foregoing circumstances have highlighted the need for serious researchon Muslim minorities within a comparative framework. What follows is apreliminary outline of a research framework for a comparative study of Muslimminorities using the Indian Muslims as an illustrative case.The Salience of TraditionOne of the most significant transnational phenomena in the four decadessince mid-century has been the revival of communal consciousness amongminorities in a large number of countries throughout the world. This tendencytoward cultural regeneration has been noted among such diverse ethnic groupsas Afro-Americans, French Canadians, Palestinian Arabs, the Scots of GreatBritain, Soviet minorities, and native Americans. A common tendency amongthese groups is to reach back to their cultural traditions and to explore thoseroots which have served as the historical anchors of their present communalexistence. Significantly, this quest for tradition has had a salutary impactupon the lives of these communities, for it has reinforced their collectiveand individual identities and has enabled them to confront the multipledifficulties of modem life more effectively. By according its members a sense ...
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Zaully, Avad. "The International Aspect of the Establishment of the State of Palestine." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(28) (February 28, 2013): 76–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-1-28-76-82.
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From the very beginning of the Middle East conflict the relations between the Israelis and the Palestinians as well as the problem of establishing a Palestinian state have gone far beyond the region to become an issue of the international political agenda. The internationalization of the Palestinian statehood problem was a gradual process of more and more regional and international actors getting involved. Undoubtedly, the UN has played one of the major roles in the Middle East settlement. The European, Russian, Arab and American participation has been of a certain importance as well.
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Al Areqi, Rashad Mohammed Moqbel. "Reshaping Indigenous Identity of Palestinian People/Place." Advances in Language and Literary Studies 9, no. 6 (December 28, 2018): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.alls.v.9n.6p.133.
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Palestinian narrative comes to reflect the reality of a nation under dislocation, Diaspora, and reshaping the indigenous identity. The Palestinian narratives always attempt to show part of the Palestinian suffering and struggling under the Israeli occupation. This study traces the life of a family, it is Abulheja’s during three generations as presented by Susan Abulhawa’s “While the World Sleeps” as the title of Arabic version, and it has other versions in English entitled ‘Mornings in Jenin’ or ‘Scar of David’, (2006). The study addresses the postcolonial concepts of dislocation, Diaspora, exile and reshaping the Palestinian identity of people/place in Susan Abulhawa’s “Mornings in Jenin”, it is a story of a Palestinian family living in the refugees’ camp of Jenin from 1948 to the beginning of the third millennium, 2002. It does not only represent the life of Abulheja’s family, it is a story of a nation, living in the refugees’ camp: Jenin refugees’, being strangers, even in their home. Many members of the family are killed, and many members of Palestinians’ identity are reshaped to avoid killing while a large group of Palestinians leave their country to America to fulfill the American dream of hope and happiness, and freedom and fairness as expected. However, their Journey to America and Europe may not help them to forget their traumatic past or start a new life away of nostalgic/collective memory and homeliness. The result showed the suffering and struggling of the Palestinian families, lacking the urgent needs of daily life. The study found the Jewish state worked on reshaping the cultural, religious, national, political and indigenous identity of the Palestinian people/place to fulfill their expansionist project of politico-historical domination, giving no serious considerations to the particularities of the indigenous people. The narrative showed that the indigenous identity of Palestinians had been reshaped and a lot of them left their home to places safer to live as strangers, away of their home.
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Zahoor Hussain, Samiullah Khan, and Muhammad Ajmal. "A Corpus Stylistic Analysis of Abulhawa's the Blue between Sky and Water." Research Journal of Social Sciences and Economics Review (RJSSER) 1, no. 4 (December 26, 2020): 83–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.36902/rjsser-vol1-iss4-2020(83-93).
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Palestinian literature received significance after Nakba (1948 Palestine-Israel war) and Naksa (1967 Arab-Israel war) and it laid an impact on Palestinian writers and there emerged a new form of literature called Palestinian American literature which got recognition in the 1990s internationally. After Nakba and Naksa many Palestinian families migrated to America. These Palestinians wrote literature in English that is called Palestinian-American literature. The aim of the stylistic analysis of Abulhawa's work to trace out how the writer constructs reality through lexical categories. This thesis also analyzes the work of Palestinian-American writer Abulhawa's novel, The Blue between Sky and Water, and focuses specifically on how the writer achieves her aims. At the same time, this stylistic analysis of The Blue between Sky and Water shed light on the use of Arabic words in English fiction which represent the culture and identity of the Palestinian nation. It explores the dilemma of Palestine that they become a foreigner in their native land. The researcher employed a mixed-method approach to conduct the present study. The researcher used Corpus stylistics tools to analyze the novel. The researcher traced around 6288 concrete nouns and 1634 abstract nouns from the sample respectively. The extensive use of concrete nouns showed that the main purpose of the writer was to get homeland and this piece of writing was not only art for art sake rather art for life's sake. The researcher traced out around 1400 adjectives from the sample of study.
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Zimmerman, Laurie. "“No Palestinian House Is Without Tears”: Disrupting American Jewish Narratives of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict." Hiperboreea 6, no. 2 (May 1, 2021): 184–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jjewiethi.6.2.184.
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Abstract This article argues that as American Jewish support for Israel wanes American Jews need a new Jewish ethical framework in which to understand the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It extends the discourse beyond a Jewish narrative and examines the values of empathy and responsibility toward Palestinians, as well as the importance of recognizing historical injustices perpetrated by Israel. This article draws on the work of scholars and discusses their ideas in conjunction with the author's experiences as a congregational rabbi. It evaluates the dual-narrative approach and then focuses on the work of Bashir Bashir and Amos Goldberg to explore how narratives such as me-shoah le-tekumah, from the destruction of the Holocaust to the rebirth of Israel, can lead American Jews to view the Palestinian experience as entirely separate from their own.
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Christison, Kathleen. "Bound by a Frame of Reference, Part II: U.S. Policy and the Palestinians, 1948-88." Journal of Palestine Studies 27, no. 3 (1998): 20–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537832.
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Following Israel's creation in 1948, the Palestinians disappeared from United States policy considerations and did not reemerge until the late 1960s, when they forced themselves on the world's consciousness with a series of terrorist actions and a determined assertion of national aims. With the exception of the Carter administration, the history of the two decades of American policy-making that followed is one of a concerted effort to suppress the Palestinian question as a political issue and to undermine the Palestine Liberation Organization. This article, the second in a three-part series, examines the frame of reference that molded policymaker thinking on Palestinian-Israeli issues-one centered on the Israeli perspective and basically ignorant of the Palestinian viewpoint-from the Eisenhower administration through the Reagan years.
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Christison, Kathleen. "Bound by a Frame of Reference, Part III: U.S. Policy and the Palestinians, 1988-98." Journal of Palestine Studies 27, no. 4 (1998): 53–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2538130.
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The policymakers most responsible for shaping policy on the Palestinian-Israeli question in both the Bush and the Clinton administrations, a team led by special mediator Dennis Ross, came of age politically at a time when the Palestinian perspective was virtually excluded from American political discourse. These policymakers, by their own testimony emotionally involved in Arab-Israeli issues because of their Jewish roots, are naturally inclined to view the issue from the traditional Israel-centered vantage point despite their occasionally harsh criticism of Israel's right-wing government and their vaunted understanding of Palestinian sensibilities. Part III of this series examines how the old frame of reference still determines policy even in an era when Palestinians are seen as legitimate participants in the peace process.
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McCarron, Kevin. "Harvest of Rage." American Journal of Islam and Society 16, no. 1 (April 1, 1999): 128–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v16i1.2135.
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On April 19, 1995, a Ryder truck filled with fenilizer and racing fuel explodedoutside the Alfred P. Murrah Building in Oklahoma City, killing 168 people and wounding 500 others. Harvest of Rage is an extremely readable and informative attempt to placethis brutal terrorist attack within the context of Christian fundamentalism,right-wing politics, and the dramatic decline in the living standards ofAmerica’s rural population. Joel Dyer is the editor of the Boulder Weekly andhas written many investigative features on the farm crisis and the rise of theradical right. He begins by stating two themes that govern his book the reluctanceof most Americans to recognize the existence of numerous terroristorganizations within America itself and the increasing tendency of thesegroups to use violence to achieve their aims.While the smoke was still clearing from America’s most infamous terroristattack, all eyes looked across the Ocean for answers. The national media beganto explore which faraway terrorists were likely culprits. After all, this wasOklahoma City, the middle of the American heartland, and only the mind ofsome foreign murderer could have conceived such a bloodthirsty plot.But in Oklahoma and around the nation, FBI agents were looking across ourown Oceans of wheat, corn, and barley for their answers. They weren’t raidingthe homes of Palestinian nationals or people born in Imq or Iran. Within hoursof the blast, they were questioning men and women who had attended meetingson how to stop farm foreclosures or on how to return the country to a constitutionalrepublic (p. 1).Harvest of Rage is divided into three parts: “Fertile Ground,” “The Seeds ofInfluence,” and “The Harvest,” all three of which share with the book‘s title anindebtedness to organic metaphors. This reliance on organic imagery is a majorfeature of Dyer’s book; the once-rich lands of the American heartland, heimplies, are now fertile grounds only for terrorism. “Fertile Ground” examinesthe disastrous impact of recent government policies on America’s rural population,the subsequent disenchantment with conventional government, and thesubsequent allure of organizations which respond to this growing dissatisfactionand anger. “The Seeds of Influence” focuses on the nature and beliefs ofthese numerous, primarily right-wing Christian groups which have proliferatedthroughout rural America in recent years, in particular those influenced by“Christian Identity” beliefs. ‘The Harvest” examines the bitter disputes concerningthe meaning of the American Constitution and the increasing relianceof America’s disaffected rural population on common-law courts. Dyer is, ofcourse, a journalist, and the book’s audience is the educated general reader. Attimes, Harvest of Rage is a little too lushly written, but the reader is never leftin doubt as to the seriousness of the author‘s subject: “We will continue to paythe price-one building, one pipe bomb, one bumeddown church at a timeuntilwe come to understand, first, that the nation is holding a loaded gun to its ...
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Soukarieh, Mayssun. "Speaking Palestinian: An Interview with Rosemary Sayigh." Journal of Palestine Studies 38, no. 4 (2009): 12–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2009.38.4.12.
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This interview is part of a longer conversation that independent researcher Mayssun Soukarieh conducted with Rosemary Sayigh in Beirut during the summer of 2008. Sayigh, an anthropologist, oral historian, and researcher, was born in Birmingham in the United Kingdom and moved to Beirut in 1953, where she married the Palestinian economist Yusif Sayigh. She earned her master's degree from the American University of Beirut (AUB) in 1970 and was awarded a PhD from Hull University in Yorkshire in 1994. Since coming to Beirut fifty-six years ago, Sayigh has dedicated her life to writing and advocating for the Palestinians in Lebanon and elsewhere. She is the author of two groundbreaking books: Palestinians: From Peasants to Revolutionaries; A People's History (Zed Books, 1979) and Too Many Enemies: The Palestinian Experience in Lebanon (Zed Books, 1993). Although these conversations focused on Sayigh's scholarly work rather than her personal history, it became clear that the two are inextricably linked.
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Ghanem, As‘ad. "The Fallout from Israel's War on Gaza: A Turning Point in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict?" Holy Land Studies 8, no. 2 (November 2009): 195–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1474947509000547.
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In this article I argue that the Israeli War against Gaza of December 2008–January 2009 marked a historical crossroad in the annals of the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians. The article examines four arguments: first, the war as a test for the Israeli post-Oslo strategy: Israel believed that the Palestinian Bantustans should behave as ‘protectorate regimes’, otherwise they would be under massive Israeli attack. Second, the war as the second ‘open confrontation’ that was a result of Israel's loss of its historical military deterrence. Third, some of the Arab states, including the ‘protectorate regime’ in Ramallah are part of the Israeli (and American) alliance against what is considered as the ‘rejectionist regimes’. Forth, the war in Gaza is the formal beginning of the end of the PLO as the ‘sole legitimate representative of the Palestinian people’.
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Abu Amrieh, Yousef. "Susan Abulhawa’s Appropriation of Shakespeare’s Romeo and Juliet." Critical Survey 34, no. 3 (September 1, 2022): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cs.2022.340303.
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The purpose of this article is to examine how Palestinian American novelist Susan Abulhawa appropriates in her novel The Blue between Sky and Water (2015) some of the themes, tropes and motifs that Shakespeare employs in Romeo and Juliet (c. 1596) in order to depict how wars and conflicts turn Palestinian people’s love stories/marriages into tragedies. In particular, love at first sight, the (negative) impact of families on love stories, exile/banishment, use of herbs/traditional medicine, humour and parties that practically turn ominous and fateful are among the themes, tropes and motifs that both Shakespeare and Abulhawa employ to represent love stories/marriages that are embroiled in ongoing violent events. Overall, in its depiction of ‘love and violence’, Abulhawa’s novel appropriates Shakespeare’s greatest love tragedy and shows the conditions under which Palestinians live in Gaza.
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Falah, Ghazi-Walid. "The Portrayal of Palestinian and Israeli Suffering and Violent Incidents in Selected US Daily Newspapers." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 22, no. 1 (April 2023): 65–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2023.0305.
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This paper argues that editors of newspapers in the US, in their capacity to select and arrange news related to tragic events in Palestine/Israel, tend to follow an underlying political agenda largely conforming with US foreign policy towards Israel, the Palestinians and the Arab or Moslem world more generally. This is part of a popular American geopolitical imaginary, now being reconfigured through the primacy of ‘terror’ as the enemy number one of the American way of life, and most certainly, by proxy, of the Israeli way of life or the life of any Washington-oriented democracy. Reportage on cases of Palestinian tragedy and agony were represented as part of or the byproduct of protracted conflict within a kind of historical amnesia or bracketing out: Israeli state policy which victimises the Palestinians tends to be rendered invisible in such manipulation of reported reality. In other words, a deft editorial arrangement deflects possible blame on Israel by removing the events from their broader context and time frame. The reports centre on symptoms of the pathology rather than its underlying causes.
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Khalidi, Walid. "The Ownership of the U.S. Embassy Site in Jerusalem." Journal of Palestine Studies 29, no. 4 (2000): 80–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2676563.
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One of the most difficult issues of the final status negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians is Jerusalem. The complexity of this issue has been compounded by U.S. actions to move its embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem and by allegations that the prospective site of the embassy is Palestinian refugee property confiscated by Israel since 1948. Evidence of Palestinian ownership of the 7.7-acre site-the subject of this report-was gathered by a group of Palestinians from the records of the United Nations Conciliation Committee on Palestine (UNCCP) in New York, the Public Records Office (PRO) in London, the U.S. State Department (DOS), the Jerusalem Municipality, the Israeli Land Registry Records (Tapu), the Israeli Ministry of justice, and heirs of the original owners. The research extended over a six-year period and involved some forty individuals. Although hampered by the inaccessibility of the site to surveyors and by Israel's rezoning and reparcellation of the land in question, the evidence yielded by this research shows that at least 70 percent of the site is refugee private property, of which more than a third is Islamic waqf (trust). On 15 May 1948, the last day of the Mandate, the site was owned by seventy-six Palestinians. On 28 October 1999, the American Committee on Jerusalem (ACJ) addressed a letter to Secretary of State Madeleine Albright outlining the results of this research and requesting a meeting to share the findings with the DOS. It was only on 28 December that the DOS replied to the effect that any data that the group had should be communicated to the DOS "to be kept on file." Given the grave implications of the embassy issue for the peace process and the credibility of the United States, the ACJ felt as a result of the correspondence that it had no alternative but to go public.
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Majaj, Lisa Suhair. "On Writing and Return." Meridians 19, S1 (December 1, 2020): 112–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-8565869.
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Abstract This article situates the Palestinian right of return within the context of Palestinian-American literary reflections and the intersection of women’s and human rights. Providing a brief history of Palestinian dispossession and the struggle for return, it explores the multiple dimensions of “return” in the context of physical displacement, loss, cultural erasure, and diaspora negotiations of belonging and exile. Identifying return as both a right and as a metaphor, it looks at gendered realities of Palestinian and Palestinian-American experience, critiques the dichotomy of nationalism and feminism, and explores how Palestinian-American literature, emerging from personal and political displacement, narrates a literary claim to both reclamation and transformation, in which to return is to claim what was lost and to construct Palestinian reality anew. Drawing on the words of several Palestinian-American authors and the author’s own experiences, the article voices “return” as a claim to the past and a foundation for the future.
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Baumann, Roger. "Race and the Politics of Pilgrimage for African American Christians in Palestine and Israel." Religions 13, no. 10 (September 21, 2022): 880. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13100880.
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African American Christian travel to Israel and Palestine demonstrates the role of overlapping racial and religious identities in shaping how travelers understand their experiences in the Holy Land variously as traditional religious pilgrimage, tourism, and political engagement. While traditional accounts of pilgrimage frame it as an experience set apart from mundane realities and social hierarchies, new perspectives in the study of pilgrimage show how the social identities of travelers may shape religiously inspired travel. Four case studies of African American Christian travel to Palestine and Israel—including Christian Zionist and Palestinian solidarity tours—show how participant experiences and interpretations of sites are shaped by overlapping religious and racial collective identities, which affect the religious, economic, and political perceptions of travelers. The relevance of race to pilgrimage varies depending on past experiences of racial and religious histories, perceptions of racial injustice, race-specific theologies, and religious ethics. Solidarities with resident Israelis and Palestinians are encouraged or rejected depending on participant interpretations of overlapping racial and religious identities.