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Journal articles on the topic 'Palestinian Americans'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 August 2024

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1

Bruneau, Emile, Daniel Lane, and Muniba Saleem. "Giving the Underdog a Leg Up." Social Psychological and Personality Science 8, no. 7 (2017): 746–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550616683019.

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In the current work, we experimentally examined the effect of exposure to a narrative of nonviolent resistance on third-party attitudes toward and support for a disempowered group involved in asymmetric conflict. Across three experiments, we found that Americans exposed to a brief video about Palestinian nonviolent resistance consistently registered more favorable attitudes toward Palestinians than people who watched a film trailer either unrelated to the Israeli–Palestinian conflict or a trailer to a Palestinian-made film about sympathetic Palestinians violently opposing Israelis. Americans’
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2

Kayyal, Mary H., and Sherri C. Widen. "What Made Sahar Scared?: Imaginary and Realistic Causes in Palestinian and American Children’s Concept for Fear." Journal of Cognition and Culture 15, no. 1-2 (2015): 32–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685373-12342139.

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Young children associate fear with monsters, ghosts, and other imaginary creatures more than with real threats to safety, such as robbers or bullies – at least in Western societies. Cross-cultural studies are rare, are limited to older children, and have not asked if the role of the imagination extends to emotions other than fear. In this study, young Palestinian and American children (60 in each group, 3–7 years, age- and sex-matched) were asked to tell stories in which they generated a cause for fear as well as happiness, sadness, anger and surprise. Imaginary creatures were rarely cited as
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3

Aljamal, Yousef M., and Philipp O. Amour. "Palestinian Diaspora Communities in Latin America and Palestinian Statehood." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 19, no. 1 (2020): 101–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2020.0230.

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There are some 700,000 Latin Americans of Palestinian origin, living in fourteen countries of South America. In particular, Palestinian diaspora communities have a considerable presence in Chile, Honduras, and El Salvador. Many members of these communities belong to the professional middle classes, a situation which enables them to play a prominent role in the political and economic life of their countries. The article explores the evolving attitudes of Latin American Palestinians towards the issue of Palestinian statehood. It shows the growing involvement of these communities in Palestinian a
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4

Karasova, Tatiana A. "Biden Priorities and Possible Strategy for Palestinian-Israeli Conflict Settlement." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 6 (2021): 157. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080017648-9.

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Israeli-U.S. relations are an important factor in U.S. policy in the Middle East. USA maintain Israel as a strategic ally and Israel was granted American “major non-NATO ally” status. United States actively influenced the Israeli regional policy. The Palestinian-Israeli conflict settlement was always America’ the most priority area. Israelis and Americans share the view that the United States has a predominant role and responsibility in the Palestinians - Israeli dispute peace-making. The two-state outcome and critical issue over Israeli settlements in the West Bank and Jerusalem was a topic o
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5

Ben Hagai, Ella, and Eileen L. Zurbriggen. "Between tikkun olam and self-defense: Young Jewish Americans debate the Israeli-Palestinian conflict." Journal of Social and Political Psychology 5, no. 1 (2017): 173–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5964/jspp.v5i1.629.

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In this study, we examined processes associated with ingroup members’ break from their ingroup and solidarity with the outgroup. We explored these processes by observing the current dramatic social change in which a growing number of young Jewish Americans have come to reject Israel’s treatment of the Palestinians. We conducted a yearlong participant observation and in-depth interviews with 27 Jewish American college students involved in Israel advocacy on a college campus. Findings suggest that Jewish Americans entering the Jewish community in college came to learn about the Israeli-Palestini
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6

Sayigh, Rosemary. "Where Are the History Books for Palestinian Children?" Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 16, no. 2 (2017): 145–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2017.0163.

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Colonialism deprives colonised peoples of the self-determined histories needed for continued struggle. Scattered since 1948 across diverse educational systems, Palestinians have been unable to control their education or construct an authentic curriculum. This paper covers varied schooling in the Palestinian diaspora. I set this state of ‘splitting through education’ as contradictory to international declarations of the right of colonised peoples to culturally relevant education. Such education would include histories that explain their situation, and depict past resistances. I argue for the pr
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7

Durán S, Roberto. "Latin Americans with Palestinian Roots." Si Somos Americanos 20, no. 1 (2020): 218–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/s0719-09482020000100218.

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8

Rickford, Russell. "“To Build a New World”: Black American Internationalism and Palestine Solidarity." Journal of Palestine Studies 48, no. 4 (2019): 52–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2019.48.4.52.

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This essay traces the arc of Black American solidarity with Palestine, placing the phenomenon in the context of twentieth-century African American internationalism. It sketches the evolution of the political imaginary that enabled Black activists to depict African Americans and Palestinians as compatriots within global communities of dissent. For more than half a century, Black internationalists identified with Zionism, believing that the Jewish bid for a national homeland paralleled the African American freedom struggle. During the 1950s and 1960s, however, colonial aggression in the Middle E
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9

ABU EL-HAJ, THEA RENDA. ""I Was Born Here, but My Home, It's Not Here": Educating for Democratic Citizenship in an Era of Transnational Migration and Global Conflict." Harvard Educational Review 77, no. 3 (2007): 285–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/haer.77.3.412l7m737q114h5m.

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In this article, Thea Renda Abu El-Haj shares her research on how a group of Palestinian American high school youth understand themselves as members of the U.S. community, of the Palestinian American community, and of communities in Palestine. She argues that, for these youth, coming to terms with who they are has a great deal to do both with how they view themselves and how Palestinian Americans are viewed in the imagined community of the United States, especially after September 11, 2001. Her research reports on the tensions these youth face as they deal with school issues, like pledging all
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10

Najjar, Orayb, and Marianne van Leeuwen. "Americans and the Palestinian Question: The US Public Debate on Palestinian Nationhood, 1973-1988." Journal of American History 81, no. 2 (1994): 826. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081414.

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11

Quandt, William B., and Marianne Van Leeuwen. "Americans and the Palestinian Question: The U.S. Public Debate on Palestinian Nationhood, 1973-1988." Foreign Affairs 73, no. 2 (1994): 166. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045985.

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12

Kampf, Ronit, and Nathan Stolero. "Learning About the Israeli–Palestinian Conflict Through Computerized Simulations." Social Science Computer Review 36, no. 1 (2016): 125–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0894439316683641.

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This study investigates the learning outcomes of a computer game, called Global Conflicts, simulating the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. The research compares learning outcomes of Israeli–Jewish, Palestinian, Turkish, and American undergraduate students, differentiating between direct and third parties to the conflict. Learning is measured by (1) knowledge acquisition about the conflict and (2) attitude change regarding the conflict. Findings show that participants acquired knowledge about the conflict after playing the game. The game minimized the knowledge gap between third parties to the con
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13

Srour, Soha. "Forty Years after the War of June 1967." American Journal of Islam and Society 24, no. 4 (2007): 148–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v24i4.1529.

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On 5 June 2007, the fortieth anniversary of the Six Day War and the Israelioccupation of Palestine, the Kay Spiritual Life Center hosted “Forty Yearsafter the War of June 1967: Is Israeli-Palestinian Peace Possible?” on thecampus of American University in Washington, DC. This panel featuredYuval Rabin (son of former Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin; governing board,the Rabin Center), Amjad Atallah (president, Strategic Assessments Initiative),Aaron David Miller (public policy scholar, the Woodrow WilsonCenter), and Ziad Asali (president, American Task Force on Palestine; panelchair).Rabin opened b
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14

Cavari, Amnon, and Guy Freedman. "Partisan Cues and Opinion Formation on Foreign Policy." American Politics Research 47, no. 1 (2017): 29–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x17745632.

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How does the extension of party conflict to a foreign policy issue affect the ability of Americans to form an opinion about the issue? We test this using elite references and longitudinal public opinion data about the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, a salient foreign policy issue in the United States that is increasingly characterized by partisan divisions. Our findings demonstrate that since the turn of the 21st century, the availability and clarity of party cues have increased, as well as the share of Americans who hold an opinion about the issue. Applying regression models to individual-level
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15

Moughrabi, Fouad, and Pat El-Nazer. "What Do Palestinian Americans Think? Results of a Public Opinion Survey." Journal of Palestine Studies 18, no. 4 (1989): 91–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537500.

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16

Moughrabi, Fouad, and Pat El-Nazer. "What Do Palestinian Americans Think? Results of a Public Opinion Survey." Journal of Palestine Studies 18, no. 4 (1989): 91–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.1989.18.4.00p0132a.

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17

Gusterson, Hugh. "Diaspora, war, Gaza." Anthropology Today 40, no. 1 (2024): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8322.12860.

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This guest editorial examines how diasporic communities influence modern wars amidst globalization and rising ethnonationalism. It discusses historical tensions between states and diasporas during conflicts, referencing world wars and recent issues involving Chinese Americans in the US. The editorial highlights the roles played by diasporas in various conflicts, including the internment of Japanese Americans in World War II, scrutiny of Chinese Americans during Trump's presidency, and Irish expatriates’ involvement with the IRA. It focuses particularly on the Israel‐Gaza conflict, noting the a
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18

Salaita, Steven. "The Ethics of Intercultural Approaches to Indigenous Studies." International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies 1, no. 1 (2008): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcis.v1i1.18.

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Salaita argues that the project of Indigenous Studies is inherently comparative, citing numerous examples of productive intercultural scholarship, he explores historical, cultural, and politicalrelationships among Native North Americans and Palestinian Arabs to illuminate some of the ways that comparison offers the potential for new directions in both scholarly and activist communities. He contextualizes this analysis with a broader discussion of the ethics of scholarship in Indigenous Studies, paying special attention to the relationship of nationalistic commitment to intercultural methodolog
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19

Cohen, Yinon, and Andrea Tyree. "Palestinian and Jewish Israeli-born Immigrants in the United States." International Migration Review 28, no. 2 (1994): 243–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/019791839402800201.

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This article considers both Arab and Jewish emigration from Israel to the United States, relying on the 5 percent Public Use Microdata Sample (PUMS) of the 1980 U.S. census. Using the ancestry and language questions to identify Jews and Arabs, we found that over 30 percent of Israeli-bom Americans are Palestinian-Arab natives of Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza Strip. While the Jews are of higher educational levels, hold better jobs and enjoy higher incomes than their Arab counterparts, both groups have relatively high socioeconomic characteristics. Both have high rates of self-employment, part
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20

Hagai, Ella Ben, Eileen L. Zurbriggen, Phillip L. Hammack, and Megan Ziman. "Beliefs Predicting Peace, Beliefs Predicting War: Jewish Americans and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict." Analyses of Social Issues and Public Policy 13, no. 1 (2013): 286–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/asap.12023.

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21

Bloch, Barbara. "‘David vs Goliath’: Australian Jewish Perceptions of Media Bias in Reporting the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict." Media International Australia 109, no. 1 (2003): 166–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0310900115.

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This article seeks to show how the notion of ‘media bias’ has functioned in much Jewish discomfort and anger with how the second, or Al Aqsa, intifada has been represented by mainstream Australian and global media. My objective is not to demonstrate that this reporting in general favours one side of this conflict over the other, nor that there is an unproblematic position of balance which could be attained. Rather, I utilise the concept of media frames to problematise responses by Jewish and other audiences regarding Palestinians being represented by the media sympathetically as the ‘underdog’
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22

Shumilina, Inna V. "Democratic Party Crisis as Result of the Middle East Conflict-2023." Russia and America in the 21st Century, no. 1 (2024): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207054760029811-9.

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The unprecedented October 7, 2023, attack by the paramilitary wing of Hamas against Israeli civilians and peaceful targets has thoroughly shaken up social and political forces in the United States, Israel's main traditional ally. The ideological outbreak of pro-Palestinian Americans, many of whom constituted the core constituency of the Democratic Party candidate in the last presidential election, briefly weakened the cohesion of Biden's supporters in the 2024 election. Whether the Democratic Party will be able to hold on to its supporters under the pressure of ideological di
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23

Bisharat, Rasem. "The Palestinian Diaspora and Latin American Solidarity with the Palestinian Cause: Brazil as a Model." Latin American Perspectives 46, no. 3 (2019): 102–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x19835524.

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The Palestinian diaspora and Arab communities in Latin America, especially in Brazil, have contributed significantly to the Palestinian cause in Latin America. The convergence between these communities and union and left parties encouraged the left to include the Palestinian cause on its agenda. Brazil may be considered a model in this respect because of the influence of its Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers’ Party—PT), which led the Latin American left after the founding of the São Paulo Forum in 1992. The Palestinian community has an even greater role to play today, the more so since the PT
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24

Grineski, Sara E., Timothy W. Collins, and Ricardo Rubio. "Distributional Environmental Injustices for a Minority Group without Minority Status: Arab Americans and Residential Exposure to Carcinogenic Air Pollution in the US." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 16, no. 24 (2019): 4899. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph16244899.

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Distributional environmental injustices in residential exposure to air pollution in Arab American enclaves have not been examined. We conducted our investigation at the census tract-level across the continental United States using a set of socio-demographic variables to predict cancer risk from hazardous air pollutant (HAP) exposure. Arab enclaves had a mean cancer risk score of 44.08, as compared to 40.02 in non-enclave tracts. In terms of the specific origin groups, Moroccan enclaves had the highest cancer risk score (46.93), followed by Egyptian (45.33), Iraqi (43.13), Jordanian (41.67), an
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25

Radman, Mahyoub Hassan. "Jerusalem in the contents of the deal of the century “contents and analysis”." Yemen University Journal 8, no. 8 (2023): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.57117/j.v8i8.52022.

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There is no doubt that the study of the issue of Jerusalem in the contents of the American-Zionist peace plan or the so-called deal of the century was based on several hypotheses and questions in order to achieve a number of goals, and to highlight the real facts and information about the issue of Jerusalem throughout the different eras, to refute the allegations, false information and fallacies that came in the contents of the deal. The first, second, and fifth hypotheses were proven to be unreliable, while the third and fourth hypotheses were completely proven, and after the study proved the
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26

Reed, Adolph. "The Logic of Democratic Exclusion: African Americans in the United States and Palestinian Citizens in Israel." Journal of Palestine Studies 34, no. 4 (2005): 117–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2005.34.4.117.

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27

Mady, Abdel-Fattah. "American foreign policy and peace in the Middle East." Contemporary Arab Affairs 3, no. 3 (2010): 271–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2010.493739.

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The purpose of this study is to answer the following question: ‘Does US foreign policy undermine peace efforts in the Occupied Palestinian Territories?’ Careful observations of US foreign policy during the Oslo Process reveal that the United States has indeed undermined peace efforts in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. The American position substantially departed from United Nations Resolutions 242 and 338, which the Palestinians were promised would serve as the basis for negotiations. Although the American–Israeli alliance underwent periodic adjustments, American foreign policy has, over
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Wright, J. W. "Economic Inequality and the Choice of Self-Employment among Americans of Lebanese, Palestinian, and Syrian Ethnic Descent." Journal of Individual Employment Rights 7, no. 4 (1998): 307–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/rxg0-yek7-uw5n-nljx.

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29

Brocket, Tom. "From “in-betweenness” to “positioned belongings”: second-generation Palestinian-Americans negotiate the tensions of assimilation and transnationalism." Ethnic and Racial Studies 43, no. 16 (2018): 135–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2018.1544651.

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30

Ehrlich, Michael. "Palestinian Immigration from Latin American and Middle Eastern Perspectives." Journal of Migration History 5, no. 3 (2019): 512–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00503005.

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The data obtained from Chile and Palestine suggests that there was only one significant immigration wave from Palestine to Chile – from the end of the nineteenth century until the First World War. This immigration was enabled by favourable global conditions such as available and reliable transportation, rather than being provoked by the exceptional hardship alleged to have occurred during those years. Palestinian immigration was chain migration: family members followed those who had immigrated earlier. Nonetheless, these were relatively short chains, which included only a handful of links. Tho
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31

Ben Hagai, Ella, Adam Whitlatch, and Eileen L. Zurbriggen. "“We didn’t talk about the conflict”: The birthright trip’s influence on Jewish Americans’ understanding of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict." Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology 24, no. 2 (2018): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/pac0000289.

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32

A. Musallam, Adnan. "Early Palestinian Emigration to the Americas and British Mandatory Citizenship Policies toward Returning Immigrants from Latin America, 19th to Early 20th Centuries." Addaiyan Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 7, no. 1 (2019): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.36099/ajahss.1.7.1.

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Thirty one years have passed since we began talking about the emigration problem in Palestinian society at Al-Liqa’ Center in Jerusalem and Bethlehem and twenty six years have elapsed since the holding of the Al-Liqa’ pioneering conference on the problem of emigration where Palestinian academicians, church leaders and others met to discuss this pressing issues facing Palestinian society. Emigration to the Americas was an inseparable part of international migration of human waves, which started between 1880 and 1920 from South and Central Europe and from the Ottoman Empire to the United States.
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33

Serhan, Randa. "Palestinian Weddings: Inventing Palestine in New Jersey." Journal of Palestine Studies 37, no. 4 (2008): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2008.37.4.21.

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As the political situation of the Palestinians has changed, so too have the customs and practices of Palestinians in the Diaspora. Using Eric Hobsbawm's concept of ““invented tradition”” as a point of departure, this article explores the origins, functions, and implications of some of the elements——including dance, song, and costume——of Palestinian-American wedding celebrations in the New York/New Jersey/Pennsylvania area, which since the first intifada have evolved into occasions for celebrating nationalist as well as communal identity.
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34

Christison, Kathleen. "U.S. Policy and the Palestinians: Bound by a Frame of Reference." Journal of Palestine Studies 26, no. 4 (1997): 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537906.

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From the era of Woodrow Wilson, when the United States committed itself to support the Zionist program in Palestine, American public opinion on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict has been formed and policy has been made from a restricted, generally Israel-centered vantage point. This frame of reference has excluded the Palestinian perspective and, in the struggle for Palestine that culminated in the Palestinians' dispossession in 1948, has made it impossible for U.S. policymakers to take this seminal episode into account in shaping Middle East policy.
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Malekzadeh, Shervin. "Forlorn Arabs and Flying Americans: National Identity in the Early Childhood Curriculum of Postrevolutionary Iran, 1979–2009." Iranian Studies 55, no. 3 (2022): 741–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/irn.2022.30.

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AbstractDrawing upon three decades of postrevolutionary textbooks, this article traces the development of the Arab Muslim as a recurring character in the early elementary curriculum of the Islamic Republic, set against the historical context of Iranian modernization and state formation in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Sympathy for the Arab by the postrevolutionary state included a rebuke and an affirmation: Look at what has happened to the Arabs who were not able to defend their homes and their homeland, and look at what has not happened to us. Set against the Palestinian Arab figu
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Dekmejian, R. Hrair. "Comparative Study of Muslim Minorities." American Journal of Islam and Society 8, no. 2 (1991): 307–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v8i2.2628.

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Most of the world’s Muslims reside in countries where they are numericallypredominant. As such, these Muslims possess a majoritarian outlook in sharpcontrast to the perspective of minority Muslims living in India, China, theUSSR, and some Western countries. In recent years, Muslim minorities havefound themselves at the confluence of diverse social forces and politicaldevelopments which have heightened their sense of communal identity andapprehension vish-vis non-Muslim majorities. This has been particularlytrue of the crisis besetting the Indian Muslims in 1990-91 as well as the newlyformed Mu
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37

Zaully, Avad. "The International Aspect of the Establishment of the State of Palestine." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(28) (February 28, 2013): 76–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2013-1-28-76-82.

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From the very beginning of the Middle East conflict the relations between the Israelis and the Palestinians as well as the problem of establishing a Palestinian state have gone far beyond the region to become an issue of the international political agenda. The internationalization of the Palestinian statehood problem was a gradual process of more and more regional and international actors getting involved. Undoubtedly, the UN has played one of the major roles in the Middle East settlement. The European, Russian, Arab and American participation has been of a certain importance as well.
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Al Areqi, Rashad Mohammed Moqbel. "Reshaping Indigenous Identity of Palestinian People/Place." Advances in Language and Literary Studies 9, no. 6 (2018): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.alls.v.9n.6p.133.

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Palestinian narrative comes to reflect the reality of a nation under dislocation, Diaspora, and reshaping the indigenous identity. The Palestinian narratives always attempt to show part of the Palestinian suffering and struggling under the Israeli occupation. This study traces the life of a family, it is Abulheja’s during three generations as presented by Susan Abulhawa’s “While the World Sleeps” as the title of Arabic version, and it has other versions in English entitled ‘Mornings in Jenin’ or ‘Scar of David’, (2006). The study addresses the postcolonial concepts of dislocation, Diaspora, ex
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Zahoor Hussain, Samiullah Khan, and Muhammad Ajmal. "A Corpus Stylistic Analysis of Abulhawa's the Blue between Sky and Water." Research Journal of Social Sciences and Economics Review (RJSSER) 1, no. 4 (2020): 83–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.36902/rjsser-vol1-iss4-2020(83-93).

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Palestinian literature received significance after Nakba (1948 Palestine-Israel war) and Naksa (1967 Arab-Israel war) and it laid an impact on Palestinian writers and there emerged a new form of literature called Palestinian American literature which got recognition in the 1990s internationally. After Nakba and Naksa many Palestinian families migrated to America. These Palestinians wrote literature in English that is called Palestinian-American literature. The aim of the stylistic analysis of Abulhawa's work to trace out how the writer constructs reality through lexical categories. This thesis
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40

Zimmerman, Laurie. "“No Palestinian House Is Without Tears”: Disrupting American Jewish Narratives of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict." Hiperboreea 6, no. 2 (2021): 184–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jjewiethi.6.2.184.

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Abstract This article argues that as American Jewish support for Israel wanes American Jews need a new Jewish ethical framework in which to understand the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It extends the discourse beyond a Jewish narrative and examines the values of empathy and responsibility toward Palestinians, as well as the importance of recognizing historical injustices perpetrated by Israel. This article draws on the work of scholars and discusses their ideas in conjunction with the author's experiences as a congregational rabbi. It evaluates the dual-narrative approach and then focuses on t
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Christison, Kathleen. "Bound by a Frame of Reference, Part II: U.S. Policy and the Palestinians, 1948-88." Journal of Palestine Studies 27, no. 3 (1998): 20–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537832.

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Following Israel's creation in 1948, the Palestinians disappeared from United States policy considerations and did not reemerge until the late 1960s, when they forced themselves on the world's consciousness with a series of terrorist actions and a determined assertion of national aims. With the exception of the Carter administration, the history of the two decades of American policy-making that followed is one of a concerted effort to suppress the Palestinian question as a political issue and to undermine the Palestine Liberation Organization. This article, the second in a three-part series, e
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Christison, Kathleen. "Bound by a Frame of Reference, Part III: U.S. Policy and the Palestinians, 1988-98." Journal of Palestine Studies 27, no. 4 (1998): 53–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2538130.

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The policymakers most responsible for shaping policy on the Palestinian-Israeli question in both the Bush and the Clinton administrations, a team led by special mediator Dennis Ross, came of age politically at a time when the Palestinian perspective was virtually excluded from American political discourse. These policymakers, by their own testimony emotionally involved in Arab-Israeli issues because of their Jewish roots, are naturally inclined to view the issue from the traditional Israel-centered vantage point despite their occasionally harsh criticism of Israel's right-wing government and t
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43

McCarron, Kevin. "Harvest of Rage." American Journal of Islam and Society 16, no. 1 (1999): 128–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v16i1.2135.

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On April 19, 1995, a Ryder truck filled with fenilizer and racing fuel explodedoutside the Alfred P. Murrah Building in Oklahoma City, killing 168 peo­ple and wounding 500 others. Harvest of Rage is an extremely readable and informative attempt to placethis brutal terrorist attack within the context of Christian fundamentalism,right-wing politics, and the dramatic decline in the living standards ofAmerica’s rural population. Joel Dyer is the editor of the Boulder Weekly andhas written many investigative features on the farm crisis and the rise of theradical right. He begins by stating two them
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Soukarieh, Mayssun. "Speaking Palestinian: An Interview with Rosemary Sayigh." Journal of Palestine Studies 38, no. 4 (2009): 12–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2009.38.4.12.

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This interview is part of a longer conversation that independent researcher Mayssun Soukarieh conducted with Rosemary Sayigh in Beirut during the summer of 2008. Sayigh, an anthropologist, oral historian, and researcher, was born in Birmingham in the United Kingdom and moved to Beirut in 1953, where she married the Palestinian economist Yusif Sayigh. She earned her master's degree from the American University of Beirut (AUB) in 1970 and was awarded a PhD from Hull University in Yorkshire in 1994. Since coming to Beirut fifty-six years ago, Sayigh has dedicated her life to writing and advocatin
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45

Ghanem, As‘ad. "The Fallout from Israel's War on Gaza: A Turning Point in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict?" Holy Land Studies 8, no. 2 (2009): 195–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1474947509000547.

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In this article I argue that the Israeli War against Gaza of December 2008–January 2009 marked a historical crossroad in the annals of the conflict between Israel and the Palestinians. The article examines four arguments: first, the war as a test for the Israeli post-Oslo strategy: Israel believed that the Palestinian Bantustans should behave as ‘protectorate regimes’, otherwise they would be under massive Israeli attack. Second, the war as the second ‘open confrontation’ that was a result of Israel's loss of its historical military deterrence. Third, some of the Arab states, including the ‘pr
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Abu Amrieh, Yousef. "Susan Abulhawa’s Appropriation of Shakespeare’s Romeo and Juliet." Critical Survey 34, no. 3 (2022): 39–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/cs.2022.340303.

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The purpose of this article is to examine how Palestinian American novelist Susan Abulhawa appropriates in her novel The Blue between Sky and Water (2015) some of the themes, tropes and motifs that Shakespeare employs in Romeo and Juliet (c. 1596) in order to depict how wars and conflicts turn Palestinian people’s love stories/marriages into tragedies. In particular, love at first sight, the (negative) impact of families on love stories, exile/banishment, use of herbs/traditional medicine, humour and parties that practically turn ominous and fateful are among the themes, tropes and motifs that
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Falah, Ghazi-Walid. "The Portrayal of Palestinian and Israeli Suffering and Violent Incidents in Selected US Daily Newspapers." Journal of Holy Land and Palestine Studies 22, no. 1 (2023): 65–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/hlps.2023.0305.

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This paper argues that editors of newspapers in the US, in their capacity to select and arrange news related to tragic events in Palestine/Israel, tend to follow an underlying political agenda largely conforming with US foreign policy towards Israel, the Palestinians and the Arab or Moslem world more generally. This is part of a popular American geopolitical imaginary, now being reconfigured through the primacy of ‘terror’ as the enemy number one of the American way of life, and most certainly, by proxy, of the Israeli way of life or the life of any Washington-oriented democracy. Reportage on
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Khalidi, Walid. "The Ownership of the U.S. Embassy Site in Jerusalem." Journal of Palestine Studies 29, no. 4 (2000): 80–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2676563.

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One of the most difficult issues of the final status negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians is Jerusalem. The complexity of this issue has been compounded by U.S. actions to move its embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem and by allegations that the prospective site of the embassy is Palestinian refugee property confiscated by Israel since 1948. Evidence of Palestinian ownership of the 7.7-acre site-the subject of this report-was gathered by a group of Palestinians from the records of the United Nations Conciliation Committee on Palestine (UNCCP) in New York, the Public Records Office (P
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Majaj, Lisa Suhair. "On Writing and Return." Meridians 19, S1 (2020): 112–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-8565869.

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Abstract This article situates the Palestinian right of return within the context of Palestinian-American literary reflections and the intersection of women’s and human rights. Providing a brief history of Palestinian dispossession and the struggle for return, it explores the multiple dimensions of “return” in the context of physical displacement, loss, cultural erasure, and diaspora negotiations of belonging and exile. Identifying return as both a right and as a metaphor, it looks at gendered realities of Palestinian and Palestinian-American experience, critiques the dichotomy of nationalism
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Baumann, Roger. "Race and the Politics of Pilgrimage for African American Christians in Palestine and Israel." Religions 13, no. 10 (2022): 880. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel13100880.

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African American Christian travel to Israel and Palestine demonstrates the role of overlapping racial and religious identities in shaping how travelers understand their experiences in the Holy Land variously as traditional religious pilgrimage, tourism, and political engagement. While traditional accounts of pilgrimage frame it as an experience set apart from mundane realities and social hierarchies, new perspectives in the study of pilgrimage show how the social identities of travelers may shape religiously inspired travel. Four case studies of African American Christian travel to Palestine a
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