Academic literature on the topic 'Persian historiography'

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Journal articles on the topic "Persian historiography"

1

ANSARI, ALI M. "Mīrkhwānd and Persian Historiography." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 26, no. 1-2 (2016): 249–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186315000474.

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AbstractPre-modern historians of the Persianate world have primarily been used by modern historians as sources of factual information and rarely to gain insight into the means, methods and world-views of the historians themselves. The 15thC Persian historian Mīrkhwānd is a case in point despite the fact that his extensive discussion on the utility of history lends itself well to an historiographical assessment. While his understanding of the purpose of history may differ in some aspects for the modern discipline, his concerns and application were not as distinctive as we might like to think.
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2

Ali, M. Athar. "The Use of Sources in Mughal Historiography." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 5, no. 3 (1995): 361–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300006623.

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India during the period of the Mughal dynasty (sixteenth-eighteenth centuries) is exceptionally well illuminated by a large body of historical literature, mainly in Persian. This literature followed the traditions of classical Persian historiography, the models of which like Yazdi's Zafarnama (a history of Timur) and Mir Khwand's Rauzatu's Safa (a history of the world), both written in the fifteenth century, were widely read in India. By its very volume, if nothing else, Mughal historiography has, however, to be studied and assessed separately. It may be recalled that when C. A. Storey made hi
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3

Babaie, Sussan. "Visual Vestiges of Travel: Persian Windows on European Weaknesses." Journal of Early Modern History 13, no. 2 (2009): 105–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138537809x12498721974589.

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AbstractThe increased presence of Europeans in Safavid Persia and especially in the capital city of Isfahan during the seventeenth century would imply the production of a kaleidoscope of observations of the foreigners. The scarcity of written Persian views on their European guests in contrast to the abundance of European chronicles about Safavid society has further fueled the expectation of 'oriental' apathy in modern historiography. In contrast to the discursive sources, Persian pictorial evidence of the European presence in Persia is surprisingly rich. This article focuses on a genre of Pers
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4

Daftary, Farhad. "Persian Historiography of the Early Nizārī Ismāʿīlīs". Iran 30 (1992): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4299872.

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5

Kawami, Trudy S., and Jack Martin Balcer. "Herodotus and Bisitun: Problems in Ancient Persian Historiography." Classical World 82, no. 6 (1989): 455. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350468.

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6

Banerjee, Sushmita. "Indo-Persian historiography up to the thirteenth century." Contemporary South Asia 22, no. 3 (2014): 317–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2014.933525.

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7

Matthee, Rudi. "Persian Historiography, Vol. X of A History of Persian Literature by Charles Melville (ed.)." Middle Eastern Literatures 17, no. 1 (2014): 82–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1475262x.2014.903051.

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8

Simidchieva. "Marjane Satrapi’s Persepolis through the Lens of Persian Historiography." International Journal of Persian Literature 2, no. 1 (2017): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/intejperslite.2.1.0087.

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9

Farooqi, N. R. "Book Review: Indo-Persian Historiography up to the Thirteenth Century." Indian Historical Review 39, no. 1 (2012): 96–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983612449223.

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10

Dabiri, Ghazzal. "Historiography and the Shoʿubiya Movement". Journal of Persianate Studies 6, № 1-2 (2013): 216–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341247.

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Abstract This article examines the ways in which Iranian mytho-history was woven into the narratives of Islamic history. It argues that the inclusion of narratives such as the ones that equate several of the earliest Iranian mytho-historical kings to the earliest Koranic prophets or claim that Persian was the language of the prophets from Ādam to Esmāʿil, reflects the concerns of the Shoʿubiya movement. The paper also analyzes the ways in which these Iranian kings are represented in the Avesta as paradigmatic rulers and how their essential function as good rulers is retained in the later mytho
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