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Journal articles on the topic 'Persian historiography'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

ANSARI, ALI M. "Mīrkhwānd and Persian Historiography." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 26, no. 1-2 (2016): 249–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186315000474.

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AbstractPre-modern historians of the Persianate world have primarily been used by modern historians as sources of factual information and rarely to gain insight into the means, methods and world-views of the historians themselves. The 15thC Persian historian Mīrkhwānd is a case in point despite the fact that his extensive discussion on the utility of history lends itself well to an historiographical assessment. While his understanding of the purpose of history may differ in some aspects for the modern discipline, his concerns and application were not as distinctive as we might like to think.

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2

Ali, M. Athar. "The Use of Sources in Mughal Historiography." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 5, no. 3 (1995): 361–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186300006623.

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India during the period of the Mughal dynasty (sixteenth-eighteenth centuries) is exceptionally well illuminated by a large body of historical literature, mainly in Persian. This literature followed the traditions of classical Persian historiography, the models of which like Yazdi's Zafarnama (a history of Timur) and Mir Khwand's Rauzatu's Safa (a history of the world), both written in the fifteenth century, were widely read in India. By its very volume, if nothing else, Mughal historiography has, however, to be studied and assessed separately. It may be recalled that when C. A. Storey made hi

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3

Babaie, Sussan. "Visual Vestiges of Travel: Persian Windows on European Weaknesses." Journal of Early Modern History 13, no. 2 (2009): 105–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138537809x12498721974589.

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AbstractThe increased presence of Europeans in Safavid Persia and especially in the capital city of Isfahan during the seventeenth century would imply the production of a kaleidoscope of observations of the foreigners. The scarcity of written Persian views on their European guests in contrast to the abundance of European chronicles about Safavid society has further fueled the expectation of 'oriental' apathy in modern historiography. In contrast to the discursive sources, Persian pictorial evidence of the European presence in Persia is surprisingly rich. This article focuses on a genre of Pers

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4

Daftary, Farhad. "Persian Historiography of the Early Nizārī Ismāʿīlīs". Iran 30 (1992): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4299872.

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5

Kawami, Trudy S., and Jack Martin Balcer. "Herodotus and Bisitun: Problems in Ancient Persian Historiography." Classical World 82, no. 6 (1989): 455. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350468.

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6

Banerjee, Sushmita. "Indo-Persian historiography up to the thirteenth century." Contemporary South Asia 22, no. 3 (2014): 317–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2014.933525.

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7

Matthee, Rudi. "Persian Historiography, Vol. X of A History of Persian Literature by Charles Melville (ed.)." Middle Eastern Literatures 17, no. 1 (2014): 82–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1475262x.2014.903051.

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8

Simidchieva. "Marjane Satrapi’s Persepolis through the Lens of Persian Historiography." International Journal of Persian Literature 2, no. 1 (2017): 87. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/intejperslite.2.1.0087.

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9

Farooqi, N. R. "Book Review: Indo-Persian Historiography up to the Thirteenth Century." Indian Historical Review 39, no. 1 (2012): 96–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983612449223.

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10

Dabiri, Ghazzal. "Historiography and the Shoʿubiya Movement". Journal of Persianate Studies 6, № 1-2 (2013): 216–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341247.

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Abstract This article examines the ways in which Iranian mytho-history was woven into the narratives of Islamic history. It argues that the inclusion of narratives such as the ones that equate several of the earliest Iranian mytho-historical kings to the earliest Koranic prophets or claim that Persian was the language of the prophets from Ādam to Esmāʿil, reflects the concerns of the Shoʿubiya movement. The paper also analyzes the ways in which these Iranian kings are represented in the Avesta as paradigmatic rulers and how their essential function as good rulers is retained in the later mytho

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11

Stewart, Devin. "Islamic Historiography." American Journal of Islam and Society 21, no. 2 (2004): 124–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v21i2.1803.

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In this introduction to the large, unwieldy, and complex topic of Islamic historiography,the author has limited himself to historical works written inArabic, primarily in the central Islamic lands, before 1500. This choice canbe justified in that the field’s formative works written early on in Iraq, Iran,Egypt, and Syria and all in Arabic, served as models for historians writinglater on in peripheral regions and in other languages. Nevertheless, it is a bowto convenience and necessity, given the vast amount of material involved. Asa result, the Arabic historiography of North Africa, Sub-Sahara

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12

Anooshahr, Ali. "Indo-Persian historian and Sindho-Persian intermediary: the Tarikh-i Maʿsumi of Mir Muhammad Maʿsum Bhakkari (d. 1606)". Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 82, № 2 (2019): 245–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x19000326.

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AbstractStudies of Indo-Persian historiography tend to focus on the monumental compositions created at the behest of the Mughal court. This has unfortunately led to the neglect of texts from “regional” settings. The present article intends to expand the field of inquiry by studying Mir Muhammad Maʿsum's Tarikh-i Maʿsumi (completed c. 1600) which was the first Mughal-era Persian history of Sindh. I will argue that the author used the new the literary models developed by Mughal chroniclers in order to both facilitate and contest imperial domination.

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13

Azadibougar, Omid. "Translation historiography in the Modern World." Target. International Journal of Translation Studies 22, no. 2 (2010): 298–329. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/target.22.2.06aza.

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Nearly all scholarly works about the encounter of Iran with European modernity emphasize the role of translation not only in introducing new literary forms into the Persian literary system, but also in becoming the main engine of change and modernization of the culture. This paper concerns itself with this constructivist narrative of the available historiographical discourse and the translational environment between 1851 and 1921 in Iran. After describing the field of translation in the period in question, I challenge the uncritical conception of translation as a positive force by, on the one

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Fani, Aria. "Writing Self, Writing Empire." American Journal of Islam and Society 33, no. 3 (2016): 106–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v33i3.922.

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The seventeenth century marks an exciting period in the life of Persian literarycultures in northern India. Established as a language of administration byTurco-Afghans in the early thirteenth century, several centuries later Persianhad extended well beyond its initial administrative strongholds to become animportant medium for literary and religious composition, historiography, andtranslation. In a literary environment that prized both literary aesthetics andfierce rivalries, the massive textual production on vastly diverse subjects, aswell as the presence of literary salons, standalone bookst

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15

Nechaeva, Ekaterina. "Seven Hellenes and One Christian in the Endless Peace Treaty of 532." Studies in Late Antiquity 1, no. 4 (2017): 359–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2017.1.4.359.

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The so-called Endless Peace treaty, signed between Rome and Persia in 532, contained several provisions that regulated issues of population transfer. According to the famous evidence of Agathias of Myrina, in the treaty there was also a clause guaranteeing safety from persecution and the tolerance of religious beliefs in the territory of the Roman Empire for the seven Neoplatonic philosophers returning from their Persian emigration. The present article proposes a re-evaluation of the clause mentioned by Agathias by extracting parallel information from an East-Syriac hagiographical source: an a

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Mancini-Lander, Derek J. "Authority and Identity in Medieval Islamic Historiography: Persian Histories from the Peripheries." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 36, no. 1 (2019): 72–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v36i1.686.

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Mimi Hanaoka’s Authority and Identity in Medieval Islamic Historiography offers an important and productive new perspective on the multifaceted identities and complex mentalities of elites in Persianate urban centers of the Islamic Middle Period. The book conducts a close study of a handful of Persian local histories from key urban localities of various sizes and geographic regions, which the author reads in comparison: Qum, Ṭabaristān, Bukhārā, Bayhaq, and Sīstān. The final chapter compares these with Anatolian histories.

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17

BEBEN, DANIEL. "Remembering Saladin: The Crusades and the Politics of Heresy in Persian Historiography." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 28, no. 2 (2017): 231–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186317000529.

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AbstractIn this study I examine the presentation of Saladin and the Crusades within the genre of Persian universal histories produced from the thirteenth to the sixteenth century. While a number of recent studies have begun to explore the place of the Crusades in the historical memory of the Islamic world, to date little attention has been given to the question of the manner in which the ensuing Mongol conquests affected subsequent Muslim memory of the Crusades. In this article I argue that historiographers of the Mongol and post-Mongol eras largely sought to legitimate the conquests through e

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18

Jain, Meenakshi. "Book Review: Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui, Indo-Persian Historiography to the Fourteenth Century." Indian Historical Review 43, no. 1 (2016): 155–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983616628662.

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19

Melville, Charles. "The Chinese-Uighur Animal Calendar in Persian Historiography of the Mongol Period." Iran 32 (1994): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4299907.

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20

Farmanfarmaian, Fatema Soudavar. "Georgia and Iran: Three Millennia of Cultural Relations An Overview." Journal of Persianate Studies 2, no. 1 (2009): 1–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187471609x445464.

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AbstractWhen Georgia was incorporated into the Russian Empire, the rich background of interaction with Persian culture, the result of centuries of contact, was lost to the scholar whose interest in Georgian history came to depend on Russian historiography with its focus on the period under Russian rule and its misreading of anything prior to that. Western scholarship, often oblivious of the far reach of Persian culture, devoted too little attention to the subject or gave it short shrift. Owing largely to the recent work of Georgian scholars, a century of neglect is now being reversed, but an o

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21

Pirbhai, M. Reza. "Symbols of Authority in Medieval Islam." American Journal of Islam and Society 30, no. 2 (2013): 117–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v30i2.1138.

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This insightful book, useful to scholars and students of Islamic and SouthAsian history, illuminates the place of Islamic thought and institutions in thepolitical regimes of the Delhi Sultanate (1206-1526). Finding late approachesto the historiography of the period unduly focused on “fact” and “fiction,”rather than “meaning,” the author unravels the more complex relationshipbetween history and historiography in six pertinent chapters (p. xix). Theseare complemented by maps, illustrations, thorough endnotes, and a usefulbibliography. As a whole, the cohort of Persian histories read lead to the

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22

Debié, Muriel. "Syriac Historiography and Identity Formation." Church History and Religious Culture 89, no. 1 (2009): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187124109x408014.

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AbstractHistoriographical texts are here read as literary compositions of their time, providing us with various elements of the process of identity construction or reconstruction. The first West Syrian historical texts were produced in the sixth century, when the history of what would become the Syrian Orthodox Church began. An examination of contemporary sources and myths of origins shows that the ethnic origins of the Abgarid dynasty played no part in Syrian 'ethnogenesis', but that there existed a notion of Syro-Mesopotamian origins, closely related to a supposed homeland, that of Aram. An

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23

COLBURN, HENRY P. "ORIENTALISM, POSTCOLONIALISM, AND THE ACHAEMENID EMPIRE: MEDITATIONS ON BRUCE LINCOLN'S RELIGION, EMPIRE, AND TORTURE." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 54, no. 2 (2011): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2011.00026.x.

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Abstract In his recent study of religion and imperialism in the Achaemenid Persian Empire, Bruce Lincoln depicts the Achaemenids as savage and decadent in order to make a point about contemporary American foreign policy. This paper challenges Lincoln's vision of the empire by examining the severe methodological flaws that underlie it, especially his untested assumptions about the nature of Achaemenid religion and his uncritical use of Greek sources for the practice of torture. These flaws contribute to the reification of an orientalist stereotype of the Persians that scholars of the Achaemenid

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24

BOWDEN, HUGH. "ON KISSING AND MAKING UP: COURT PROTOCOL AND HISTORIOGRAPHY IN ALEXANDER THE GREAT's ‘EXPERIMENT WITH PROSKYNESIS’." Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 56, no. 2 (2013): 55–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.2041-5370.2013.00058.x.

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Abstract It is widely accepted that Alexander attempted to persuade his Macedonian followers to accept the Persian practice of proskynesis (possibly, but not necessarily involving prostration), that this was opposed by members of his court, and that the attempt was given up. This article re-examines the evidence and the assumptions, both ancient and modern, that lie behind the episode as reported. It argues that the words proskynesis and proskynein had a range of meanings in Greek, but were primarily associated with Greek ideas of Persian behaviour; the gestures covered by the term proskynesis

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25

ALI, DAUD. "The Historiography of the Medieval in South Asia." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 22, no. 1 (2012): 7–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186311000861.

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Colonial scholars and administrators in the latter half of the nineteenth century were the first to subject South Asia to modern historicist scrutiny. Using coins, inscriptions, and chronicles, they determined the dates and identities of numerous kings and dynasties within an apparently scrupulous empiricist framework. From the 1930s, with the widespread rise of nationalist sentiment, South Asian scholars began to write about their own past. The particular configurations of colonial and early nationalist historiography of South Asia have proved immensely consequential for subsequent generation

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26

Peacock, A. C. S. "Aḥmad of Niğde's al-Walad al-Shafῑq and the Seljuk past". Anatolian Studies 54 (грудень 2004): 95–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600000582.

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AbstractThe unpublished unique manuscript of the 14th century Persian work known as al-Walad al-Shafiq (‘The Compassionate Child’) held in the Süleymaniye Library in Istanbul has hitherto never been studied in detail, although it is of considerable importance as a source for medieval Anatolia. This article assesses al-Walad al-Shafiq in the context of the Persian historiography of Anatolia and the historical milieu in which it was composed, arguing that the work is characterised by a sense of loyalty to the vanished Seljuk dynasty that ruled much of Anatolia from the late 11th to the early 14t

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27

Schwartz, Kevin L. "The Local Lives of a Transregional Poet: ʿAbd al-Qāder Bidel and the Writing of Persianate Literary History". Journal of Persianate Studies 9, № 1 (2016): 83–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341295.

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This article focuses on the different ways in which the personality and poetry of the Indian-born poet ʿAbd al-Qāder Bidel (d. 1721) has been interpreted and deployed in a variety of contexts across the Persianate sphere of West, Central, and South Asia, particularly in the nineteenth century. By highlighting different interpretations of Bidel as an obscurantist poet, agent of change, progressive voice, unabashed innovator, and canonic master, I present a more complicated historiography of the poet than the way he is typically presented in Persian literary history. An exploration of the ways i

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28

Binbaş, Evrim. "Mimi Hanaoka. Authority and Identity in Medieval Islamic Historiography: Persian Histories from the Peripheries." American Historical Review 124, no. 1 (2019): 381–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhy402.

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29

GREEN, NILE. "Stories of Saints and Sultans: Re-membering History at the Sufi Shrines of Aurangabad." Modern Asian Studies 38, no. 2 (2004): 419–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x03001173.

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Encounters between Sufi saints and Muslim rulers have played a long and important role in the textual historical traditions of Muslim South Asia. Historians of the sultanates of Delhi and the Deccan writing in Persian such as Ziya al-din Barani and Abu'l Qasim Firishtah peppered their accounts with such narratives, much to the distaste of their nineteenth century British translators who frequently excised such episodes wholesale. Some of the earliest Sufi literature composed in South Asia, such as the ‘recorded conversations’ (malfuzat) written in the circle of Nizam al-din Awliya of Delhi (d.

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30

Gilli-Elewy, Hend. "Al-awādi al-ğāmia: A Contemporary Account of the Mongol Conquest of Baghdad, 656/1258." Arabica 58, no. 5 (2011): 353–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157005811x561569.

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AbstractThis article contains a translation (Arabic-English) with introduction and commentary of the events of years 655/1257 and 656/1258 of al-Ḥawādiṯ al-ğāmiʿa including two qaīdas, written by an Iraqi anonymous author. It deals with the conquest of Baghdad by the Mongols and the death of the last Abbasid caliph al-Mustaʿṣim. Al-Ḥawādiṯ al-ğāmiʿa is a very interesting local Iraqi chronicle of the VIIth/XIIIth century and provides an abundance of detail that is not to be found elsewhere. Historiography of the period can often be divided along Arabic-Mamluk and Persian-Mongol lines; however,

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Ahmedova, N., and O. Abbasova. "Founder of the Azerbaijani historiography school: A. Bakikhanov (on the 225th anniversary of birth)." Bulletin of Science and Practice 5, no. 12 (2019): 462–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.33619/2414-2948/49/58.

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The article tells about Abbasgulu aga Bakikhanov, a prominent Azerbaijani historian, educator, writer and poet, translator, author of the first major study on the history of Azerbaijan and Dagestan, who lived in the first half of the XIX century. Bakikhanov is the founder of Azerbaijani historiography with his work Gulistan-i Iram, the author of poems in Azerbaijani, Arabic and Persian under the pseudonym Gudsi, one of the founders of the scientific and literary assembly Gulustan in Guba (1835). He also served as a translator at the signing of the Gulustan (1813) and Turkmenchay treaties (1828

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32

Paul, Jürgen. "Authority and Identity in Medieval Islamic Historiography: Persian Histories from the Peripheries By Mimi Hanaoka." Journal of Islamic Studies 31, no. 3 (2020): 400–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jis/etaa019.

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33

Perry, John R. "Blackmailing Amazons and Dutch pigs: a consideration of epic and folktale motifs in Persian historiography." Iranian Studies 19, no. 2 (1986): 155–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210868608701673.

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34

Timokhin, D. M. "DESCRIPTION OF KHORASAN AND TRANSOXIANA CITIES’ LOT DURING THE MONGOL INVASION IN THE ARAB-PERSIAN GEOGRAPHICAL TEXTS." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 3 (13) (2020): 100–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2020-3-100-112.

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The Mongol-Khorezm war of 1219–1221 is widely considered an important milestone in the history of the Middle East, and its consequences are largely noticeable in the subsequent fate of neighboring regions. Almost the main blow from the Mongol invasion fell on the lands of Khorasan and Transoxiana, where many large and small cities fully experienced all the horrors of Genghis Khan’s army advance. The fate of these localities and their inhabitants has long been the object of researchers’ attention, but scientists are till reconstructing those events, relying mainly on the Arab-Persian historical

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35

Auer, Blain. "Early Modern Persian, Urdu, and English Historiography and the Imagination of Islamic India under British Rule." Études de lettres, no. 2-3 (September 15, 2014): 199–226. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/edl.710.

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36

Bahl, Christopher D. "Transoceanic Arabic historiography: sharing the past of the sixteenth-century western Indian Ocean." Journal of Global History 15, no. 2 (2020): 203–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022820000017.

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AbstractThe early modern western Indian Ocean constituted a dynamic space of human interaction. While scholarship has mostly concentrated on trade and commerce, recent studies have shifted the focus to social and cultural mobilities. This article argues for the emergence of a transoceanic Arabic historiography during the sixteenth century, which reflected on the cultural integration of regions from Egypt, the Hijaz, and Yemen in the Red Sea region, to Gujarat, the Deccan, and Malabar in the subcontinent. Historians from the Persian cosmopolis further north observed a strong cultural connection

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37

Melvin-Koushki, Matthew. "How to Rule the World: Occult-Scientific Manuals of the Early Modern Persian Cosmopolis." Journal of Persianate Studies 11, no. 2 (2019): 140–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341325.

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AbstractImperial grimoires—that is, manuals on various forms of magic and divination written for or commissioned by royal readers—proliferated across the early modern Persianate world, more than paralleling the (decidedly non-imperial) grimoire boom in Renaissance Europe; but only the latter has been studied to date. This programmatic essay diagnoses the colonialist-Orientalist causes for this wild imbalance in comparative early modern Western intellectual and imperial historiography and outlines a philological way forward. Far from being evidence for “the superstition of the Moslem natives,”

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38

Lingwood, Chad G. "“The qebla of Jāmi is None Other than Tabriz”: ʿAbd al-Rahmān Jāmi and Naqshbandi Sufism at the Aq Qoyunlu Royal Court". Journal of Persianate Studies 4, № 2 (2011): 233–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187471611x600404.

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Abstract This article addresses the possibility that members of the Naqshbandi Sufi order exerted a greater influence at the royal court of Yaʿqub b. Uzun Hasan, leader of the Aq Qoyunlu dynasty, than previously acknowledged. In order to substantiate this claim, the article cites contemporary and near-contemporary Persian sources, notably the Tārikh-eʿālam-ārā-ye amini, the Rowzāt al-jenān va jannāt al-janān, and the Rashahāt-e ʿayn al-hayāt, each of which attests to the presence of Naqshbandis in the Aq Qoyunlu capital of Tabriz, and notes that the Naqshbandis most closely associated with Yaʿ

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39

Kiyanrad, Sarah. "Geschichte in Versen vermessen: Annäherung an persische historische Epen (šāhnāmas) aus dem 15.–16. Jahrhundert." DIYÂR 1, no. 1 (2020): 7–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/2625-9842-2020-1-7.

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Shortly after the completion of Firdausī’s Šāhnāma, historical epics in modern Persian were being written. While sharing in the tradition of šāhnāma-nivīsī, these epics deal with a more recent past. This paper maps out the characteristics of Persian historical epics by means of three examples (ʿAbdallāh Hātifī: Timurnāma and Šāhnāma-yi Hātifī; Qāsimī Gunābādī: Šāhnāma-yi Ismāʿīl). Not only during the Ilkhanid era, but also during later eras these kinds of works were actively being produced in Iran, even though they are as yet largely unexplored. The three aforementioned epics dating from the l

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40

Gazerani, Saghi. "Old Garment from a New Tailor: The Reception and Reshaping of Epic Material in Early Medieval Iran." Journal of Persianate Studies 6, no. 1-2 (2013): 178–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341246.

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Abstract The corpus of epic material produced in the New Persian language, best known by Ferdowsi’s Shāhnāma, is preoccupied with narrating Iran’s past. In this article, the production milieu of the epic material during post-Conquest Iran is explored. This is undertaken by tracing the sources of the Sistani Cycle of Epics, a body of literature, which recounts the stories of Rostam, his ancestors and his progeny. The discussion of the sources of this body of epics reveals what seems to be an abundant interest in narrating multiple, diverse and contradictory events of Iran’s pre-Islamic past. Th

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Timokhin, Dmitry. "AN EPISODE FROM THE BIOGRAPHY OF THE SUFI SHEIKH MAJD AD-DIN AL-BAGHDADI AND THE KHWAREZMIAN RULER TERKEN-HATUN." History, Archeology and Ethnography of the Caucasus 16, no. 3 (2020): 549–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.32653/ch163549-564.

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Sheikh Majd ad-Din al-Baghdadi was a prominent figure of the Kubrawiya Sufi order, and possessed not only religious authority, but also certain political influence. Amidst the rapid strengthening of Khwarezm, which by the beginning of the 13th century becomes the largest political formation in the Islamic East, Majd ad-Din al-Baghdadi gets close to Terken-Khatun, the mother of the Khwarezmshah ‘Ala’ al-Din Muhammad. Given the struggle between the court groups that unfolded in Khwarezm on the eve of the Mongol invasion, the alliance between the Sufi sheikh and Terken-Khatun was regarded a threa

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Kiyanrad, Sarah. "Thou Shalt Not Enter the Bazaar on Rainy Days! Zemmi Merchants in Safavid Isfahan: Shiʿite Feqh Meeting Social Reality". Journal of Persianate Studies 10, № 2 (2017): 158–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18747167-12341314.

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Abstract Many Muslim and non-Muslim merchants from East and West were attracted to Safavid Isfahan, the new “center of the world,” a city that also played host to its own mercantile communities, among them many zemmi traders—Christians, Jews, and Zoroastrians. As representatives of the newly-established Twelver Shiʿite theology, Safavid religious scholars felt the need to offer commentary on evolving issues on a theoretical level, sometimes writing not in Arabic but in New Persian. How did they regard the activities of zemmi merchants? Were zemmi traders subject to religiously-motivated restri

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Brabyn, Trevor, and Mohammad Sadegh Ansari. "On Void and the Plausibility of the Copernican Paradigm: an Indo-Persian Link in the Qajar Reception of Modern Astronomy." Philological Encounters 5, no. 3-4 (2020): 378–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24519197-bja10010.

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Abstract Historiography on the introduction of the Copernican astronomical paradigm in Iran has acknowledged the presence of Persian treatises from India in early-nineteenth century Qajar Iran for some time. In spite of this acknowledgment, the processes by which the modern paradigm was transmitted to Iran via the subcontinent have remained shrouded in mystery for the most part. MS Or. 462 at Columbia University, Rare Book and Manuscript Library, represents a unique early nineteenth-century composite manuscript (majmūʿah), in which, alongside treatises belonging to the premodern Ptolemaic para

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Berent, Moshe. "Anthropology and the classics: war, violence, and the statelesspolis." Classical Quarterly 50, no. 1 (2000): 257–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/50.1.257.

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I. INTRODUCTIONIt has become a commonplace in contemporary historiography to note the frequency of war in ancient Greece. Yvon Garlan says that, during the century and a half from the Persian wars (490 and 480–479 B.C.) to the battle of Chaeronea (338 B.C.), Athens was at war, on average, more than two years out of every three, and never enjoyed a period of peace for as long as ten consecutive years. ‘Given these conditions’, says Garlan, ‘one would expect them (i.e. the Greeks) to consider war as a problem …. But this was far from being the case.’ The Greek acceptance of war as inevitable was

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Trepavlov, Vadim V. "Accentology of the Takht Eli: The Great Horde or the Greater Horde?" Golden Horde Review 9, no. 1 (2021): 166–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.22378/2313-6197.2021-9-1.166-187.

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Research objectives: The author makes an attempt to determine the correctness of the emphasis in the Russian name of the Khanate Taht Eli – Bol’shaya (Great) or Bol’shaya (Greater) Horde; to check the connection of this name with the Mongolian and Turkic designations of the Mongol Empire, the Golden Horde, and the Crimean Khanate. Research materials: Russian, Lithuanian, and Crimean diplomatic correspondence from the fifteenth to seventeenth centuries; Russian medieval chronicles and other works; works of European authors of the sixteenth century; Turkic, Mongolian, and Persian historical wor

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Asif, Manan Ahmed. "A Demon with Ruby Eyes." Medieval History Journal 16, no. 2 (2013): 335–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0971945813514901.

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This essay takes a longitudinal look at how different communities dealt with political and theological difference in the same space. It examines accounts of Uch Sharif, in contemporary Pakistan, from the thirteenth century to the present. It specifically traces a motif of ‘ruby eyes’ in Arabic and Persian historiography in an effort to delineate how difference was represented and assimilated. It argues that until the late colonial period, religious difference was mutually comprehensible, even if incommensurate. The rupture of meaning in recognising difference continued in different ways in the

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Melvin-Koushki, Matthew. "Powers of One: The Mathematicalization of the Occult Sciences in the High Persianate Tradition." Intellectual History of the Islamicate World 5, no. 1 (2017): 127–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2212943x-00501006.

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Occultism remains the largest blind spot in the historiography of Islamicate philosophy-science, a casualty of persistent scholarly positivism, even whiggish triumphalism. Such occultophobia notwithstanding, the present article conducts a survey of the Islamicate encyclopedic tradition from the 4th–11th/10th–17th centuries, with emphasis on Persian classifications of the sciences, to demonstrate the ascent to philosophically mainstream status of various occult sciences (ʿulūm ġarība) throughout the post-Mongol Persianate world. Most significantly, in Persian encyclopedias, but not in Arabic, a

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LANE, GEORGE. "BERTOLD SPULER (tr. M. ISMAIL MARCINKOWSKI): Persian historiography and geography. xiii, 96 pp. Singapore: Pustaka Nasional Pte. Ltd, 2003. £40." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 67, no. 1 (2004): 91–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x04230063.

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Alsancakli, Sacha. "Historiography and language in 17th-century Ottoman Kurdistan: A study of two Turkish translations of the Sharafnāma." Kurdish Studies 6, no. 2 (2018): 171–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ks.v6i2.456.

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In the closing decades of the 11th/17th century, two Turkish translations of the Sharafnāma were produced in the Kurdish princely courts of Bidlīs and Pālū. The translators were Muḥammad Bēg b. Aḥmad Bēg, a great-great-grandson of Sharaf Khān II, the author of the work, and Sham‘ī, a secretary at the court of Amīr Yanṣūr Bēg, prince of Pālū. While their works differed in style and purpose, both men offered a reflection on the demise of Persian and increasing prestige of Turkish in Ottoman Kurdistan. In the case of Sham‘ī, this was supplemented by a more general observation on the various langu

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Jenkins, Jennifer, Heike Liebau, and Larissa Schmid. "Transnationalism and insurrection: independence committees, anti-colonial networks, and Germany’s global war." Journal of Global History 15, no. 1 (2020): 61–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022819000330.

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AbstractThis article analyses the Indian, Persian, and Algerian–Tunisian independence committees and their place in Germany’s ‘programme for revolution’, Berlin’s attempt to instigate insurrection across the British, French, and Russian empires during the First World War. The agency of Asian and North African activists in this programme remains largely unknown, and their wartime collaboration in Germany is an under-researched topic in the histories of anti-colonial activism. This article explores the collaboration between the three committees, highlighting their strategic relationships with Ge

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