Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Polish and Croatian'
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1
Bartulin, Nevenko School of History UNSW. "The ideology of nation and race: the Croatian Ustasha regime and its policies toward minorities in the independent state of Croatia, 1941-1945." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of History, 2006. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/28336.
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This thesis examines the central place of racial theories in the nationalist ideology of the Croatian Ustasha movement and regime, and how these theories functioned as the chief motive in shaping Ustasha policies toward the minorities of the Nazi-backed Independent State of Croatia (known by its Croatian initials as the NDH), namely, Serbs, Jews, Roma and Bosnian Muslims, during the years 1941 to 1945. This thesis is divided into three parts. The first part deals with historical background, concentrating on the history of Croatian national movements from the 1830s to the 1930s. The second part covers the period between the founding of the Ustasha movement in 1930 and the creation of the NDH in 1941. The third part examines the period of Ustasha power from 1941 to 1945. Through the above chronological division, this thesis traces the evolution of Ustasha ideas on nation and race, placing them within the historical context of processes of Croatian national integration. Although the Ustashe were brought to power by Nazi Germany, their ideology emerged less as an imitation of German National Socialism and more as an extremist reaction to the supranational and expansionist nationalist ideologies of Yugoslavism and Greater Serbianism. In contrast to the prevailing historiographical view that has either ignored or downplayed the significance of racial theori! es on Ustasha policies toward the minorities of the NDH, this thesis highlights the marked influence of the question of 'race' on Ustasha attitudes toward the 'problem' of minorities, and on the wider question of Croatian national identity. This thesis examines the Ustashe by focusing on the historical interplay between nationalism and racism, which dominated so much of the modern political life of Central, Eastern and South-Eastern Europe. The fusion of nationalism and racism was not unique to Ustasha ideology, but the evolution and nature of Ustasha racism was. Ustasha racial ideas were therefore the product of both specific Croatian and wider European historical trends. This examination of the historical intersection between nationalism and racism in the case of the Ustashe will, i hope, broaden our understanding of twentieth-century nation-state formation, and state treatment of minorities, in the Balkans and Eastern Europe.
2
Cluff, Taylor Denvin. "European Union Accession and the Future of Croatian Language Policy." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1366247421.
3
Rice, Eric A. "Language politics in Bosnia, Croatia, and Serbia." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Mar/10Mar%5FRice.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2010.Thesis Advisor(s): Yost, David S. Second Reader: Moran, Daniel J. "March 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 21, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Yugoslavia, Serbo-Croatian, Bosnia, Croatia, Serbia. Includes bibliographical references (p. 61-66). Also available in print.
4
Maršić, Tomislav. "Controlling the party or controlling the media? : how intra-party dynamics moderated, and reinforced, particularism in Croatia, 2000-2014." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:834082e1-abef-420f-9842-e8185626e9f5.
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This thesis explores the shape, the dynamics, and the main reasons for media capture and collusion in Croatia since the second transition in 2000. Using principal-agent theory to refer to the basic relation-ship between politicians, media and citizens, I intend to explain why politicians make use of particularism - behaviour aiming at the limitation of horizontal accountability - to force the media into cooperation with politicians (media capture) or to engage in an illicit, mutually agreed deal (collusion). Located in the literatures on democratization, party research and media studies, I aim to connect these fields in arguing that intra-party dynamics such as party leaders' rootedness, contestation and the institutionalization of rules play an important role in incentivizing executive politicians to capture or collude with media outlets. The empirical outcome of the study showing drastic failures of horizontal accountability contradicts dominant narratives of Croatia's high level of democratic consolidation between 2000 and 2014 and therefore challenges the suitability of indicators primarily designed to capture the institutionalization of institutions rather than the institutionalization of particularism. Croatia is a particularly appropriate case to study in this context since none of the traditional incentives such as Europeanization, inter-party competition, a strong civil society or economic modernization can fully explain shifts in the way politicians limit or reinforce horizontal accountability of the media. In order to address this puzzle I adopt a two-pronged research strategy based on both qualitative and quantitative elements in order to reliably and validly measure the shape and development of media capture and collusion.
5
Tasovac, Masa. "An examination of the intercultural outcome of a policy of educational division based on spoken language : the case of educational policy in Vukovar, Croatia." Scholarly Commons, 2010. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/757.
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A four-year war in Croatia in the early nineties left Eastern Slavonia and the Vukovar region struggling with the consequences of inter-ethnic conflict and human suffering. Poorly addressed post-ethnic reconciliation issues resulted in many challenges in everyday living for the people of Vukovar, especially so with the segregation of the public educational system based on language and ethnicity. This research explored the outcomes of the policy in Vukovar to divide the student body based on the language they spoke.
The literature review examined issues of inter-ethnic conflict, post-war reconciliation, and the process of grieving and transition in order to define how these processes affect people involved in public schooling in Vukovar today. I have examined literature in intercultural sensitivity, intercultural conflict, reconciliation, cultural marginality, and identity formation.
I compiled data through in-depth interviews with five specialists in the field of public educational system in Vukovar. They included a journalist and author, a teacher, administrators, and parents.
I found the presence of slow but consistent increase in readiness for the process of rejoining schools in Vukovar. This convergence in attitudes of the majority and the minority groups regarding their public school education might be the best indicator that Vukovar is shifting from the position of grieving to a place more open to the new solutions and agreements. However, one should not forget that bringing students together is not a key to reconciliation. Even though it appears that parents and teachers have motivation and good incentives to accomplish the process of reuniting, the students themselves lack the understanding of the importance of the same.
I hope that this study will provide insight into the state of affairs in Vukovar's educational system today and may provide insight into the ways of managing the larger issues of reintegration and reconciliation between the diverse cultural communities.
6
Elfers, Ann Marie. "Education policy and practice in the new Croatian state : responses from the private sector /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/7650.
7
Malesevic, Lena. "Inflation, growth and happiness: assesssing Croatia's stabilisation policy." Thesis, Staffordshire University, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.487026.
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This thesis investigates inflation in transition countries, and Croatia in particular, and its relationship with growth and happiness. A special emphasis is put on analysing the early transition period and a special effort is made to account for this period appropriately. Our first interest is to find the main culprits for the initial outburst of inflation in transition. Furthermore, one of our research aims is to analyse the main determinants of inflation in transition countries· and investigate whether they differ from those in market economies. We contribute to the empirical literature that investigates the sources of inflation via a thorough analysis that identifies the exchange rate as the primary factor in influencing inflation in Croatia, followed, to a minor extent, by wage growth. It has often been argued that Croatia achieved remarkable results in reaching and maintaining price stability. However, we investigate whether this low inflation has had costs in terms of sacrificed GDP growth. Namely, there are grounds to believe that the impact of inflation on GDP growth may be non-linear in such a way that at lower rates it influences growth positively and at higher rates negatively. These arguments are investigated through a comprehensive empirical analysis that particularly concentrates on finding any 'kink' in this relationship. We find evidence that this inflexion point is not higher in transition countries than in developed economies, as implied by some papers. This finding on the impact of inflation on growth is then related to the relationship between inflation and happiness. This is because it is usually presumed that people dislike inflation and like growth and that policy-makers put more weight on inflation. However, it is possible that the public perceive these key macroeconomic variables and their importance in a different way than policy-makers do, and that their preferences may have changed during transition. Consequently, we empirically assess the relationship between inflation, unemployment and GDP growth on the one hand, and happiness on the other, in a set of transition countries. We find that people put more weight on unemployment than on inflation or GDP growth. In light of the relationship between inflation and growth on the one side, and inflation and happiness on another, we then assess Croatia's Stabilisation Programme.
8
Simic, Vladimir. "An Assessment of Monetary Policy in Croatia with Reference to Euroisation." Thesis, Staffordshire University, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.492277.
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This thesis investigates recent monetary policy in Croatia and assesses some of the results achieved. The Croatian monetary authorities have been remarkably successful in achieving and maintaining low inflation, having outperformed most other transition economies. Hence on this basis the conduct of monetary policy in Croatia should be assessed as successful. However, the relatively low confidence in the domestic currency suggests that this 'success' should be interpreted with caution. Although monetary policy in most transition economies has begun to converge on that practised in developed market economies, there are some distinctive features in transition economies which may make the conduct of monetary policy quite different. Unofficial euroisation stands out as the most important candidate. Croatia is the most euroised economy in Central and Eastern Europe. This unique feature complicates the conduct of monetary policy and leads to the monetary authorities / / targeting the exchange rate. It is in this context that an investigation of the consequences of euroisation for monetary policy is undertaken in this thesis. This investigation suggests that euroisation constrains the conduct of monetary policy and the degrees of freedom for autonomous monetary policy are low. This is due to the identified currency mismatches in the economy which imply that there are high risks in letting the exchange rate float, even threatening the possibility of a fully fledged financial crisis. It is also argued that a stable demand for domestic money function is not to be expected and an empirical investigation of both the demand for narrow and broad money in Croatia largely supports. this hypothesis. Another important consequence of euroisation is the absence of strong channels of the monetary policy transmission mechanism. An empirical investigation of the exchange rate, interest rate and credit channel in Croatia suggests that they are very weak or nonexistent, confirming that the effects of monetary policy in the euroised environment may be different from what is usually expected. This thesis has identified some of the risks that the monetary authorities in the euroised environment are faced with. Given these risks and the finding that the impact of monetary policy in Croatia is weak, the official introduction of the euro seems a prudent step forward. The arguments developed in this thesis not only apply to the Croatian case, but should be taken as relevant to any economy with a high degree of euroisation.
9
Augter, Steffi. "Negotiating Croatia's recognition : German foreign policy as two level game." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.289769.
10
Dominkovic, Katarina Laura Crumley Carole L. "Traditional agriculture and rural living in Croatia compatible with the new common agricultural policy? /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,822.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2007.Title from electronic title page (viewed Dec. 18, 2007). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Anthropology." Discipline: Anthropology; Department/School: Anthropology.
11
Kušić, Siniša. "Privatisierung im Transformationsprozess das Beispiel der Republik Kroatien /." Wiesbaden : Deutscher Universitäts-Verlag, 2001. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/47767866.html.
12
Mackelworth, Peter Charles. "The convergence of marine protected area policy with common pool research theory : a case study, the LoSinj Dolphin Reserve, Croatia." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2007. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1444960/.
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The thesis analyses the development of negotiations for the management of the LoSinj Dolphin Reserve in Croatia. Interviews, meetings and observations were undertaken at all levels and stages of the negotiation process in order to provide a clear narrative of the development of the process. An actor orientated approach was taken to provide empirical material that could contribute to the convergence of two academic debates, common pool resource management and marine protected area policy. The LoSinj Dolphin Reserve provides a complex contextual case study with international, national, regional and local changes confusing the production of social capital to promote collective action. Development of the Croatian nation-state and its transition from State controlled to market system, coupled with conflicting issues of regional identity and local island context, and has significant impact on levels of trust and social integration. Finally a local non-government organisation provides the motivation for the designation of the Reserve and facilitation between the varying stakeholders and relevant authorities. The new paradigm of participation and co-management in protected areas for participative conservation provides for the overlaps within both commons and protected area literature. It is suggested that common pool resource scholarship can provide a framework for the development of marine protected areas, with certain contextual caveats. In turn marine protected area case studies can provide insights into other fields of commons research, particularly complex common pool resource theory.
13
Lovrić, Marko [Verfasser], and Ulrich [Akademischer Betreuer] Schraml. "Transposition of Natura 2000 directives into forestry of Croatia : multiple perspectives on policy formulation = Umsetzung von Natura 2000 Richtlinien in die kroatische Waldbewirtschaftung." Freiburg : Universität, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1115861514/34.
14
Passage, Jeffrey Scott M. A. "THE COLLAPSE OF YUGOSLAVIA AND THE BOSNIAN WAR: THE IMPACT OF INTERNATIONAL INTERVENTION IN A REGIONAL CONFLICT." DigitalCommons@CalPoly, 2011. https://digitalcommons.calpoly.edu/theses/552.
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This thesis examines the role of international intervention in the area formerly known as Yugoslavia during its collapse in the first half of the 1990s (1991-1995). The Cold War had just ended, and the United Nations (UN), NATO, and the nations they represented were reevaluating their roles in a world without competition between two superpowers. The collapse of Yugoslavia and ensuing civil war presented these international bodies with an opportunity to intervene and show that they were ready to take charge in future conflicts in pursuing and achieving peace. However, what followed revealed them to be short-sighted and ill-prepared for this role as the conflict quickly escalated leading to genocide again taking place in Europe.
The country of Bosnia, which emerged as its own nation in the collapse of Yugoslavia, will receive special interest due to its place as the geographic and active center of most of the war and atrocities. The United States will also be examined in detail since it eventually played a key role in achieving peace with the Dayton Peace Accords.
The purpose of this study was to determine whether the intervention in Bosnia and former Yugoslavia was implemented well. After examining primary documents from the United States, the UN, NATO and other organizations, as well as secondary documents in the form of journal articles and books, it became clear that the intentions of these groups were good, but their abilities in achieving peace were not. Many leaders were highly influenced by prior experiences in either World War II or Vietnam which made it difficult for them to see this new conflict in a different light. Thus, it was only when key figures in leadership changed that the situation in Bosnia was turned around and peace became attainable. Unfortunately, this peace was only achieved after hundreds of thousands had died and millions had been displaced creating a difficult rebuilding and reunifying process for those that remained or returned following Dayton.
15
Gruntova, Blanka. "Familles plurilingues : transmission et apprentissage des langues et des cultures. La diaspora tchèque en France, en Russie et en Croatie." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCF002/document.
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Articulée autour de la notion de « famille plurilingue », caractérisée - de même qu’un individu plurilingue - par un répertoire linguistique varié et pas nécessairement équilibré, l’étude soulève les questions de transmission des pratiques plurilingues ainsi que de leur développement dans les institutions de diffusion des langues, notamment dans le milieu diasporique tchèque. Tandis que les familles, développant un comportement transnational, orientent leur politique linguistique familiale de plus en plus consciemment vers la valorisation de leur capital plurilingue et (pluri)culturel, les structures diasporiques restent inscrites dans la perspective nationale. Perçues en tant qu’ambassadeurs de la langue-culture minoritaire dans le pays de leur action, elles envisagent l’apprentissage des langues et des cultures à partir du contexte monolingue. Le nationalisme méthodologique, appuyé dans le cas tchèque sur la politique d’émancipation de la langue et de la culture tchèques lors de la constitution de l’identité étatique, ne favorise pas le développement d’une didactique du plurilinguisme. La recherche s’inscrit dans une démarche sociodidactique, au croisement de didactique des langues et de la sociolinguistique. Elle prend comme terrain la diaspora tchèque dans trois pays (France, Croatie, Russie) et s’appuie sur un corpus mixte d’entretiens semi-directifs, de discours institutionnels et d’observation participanteArticulated around the notion of “plurilingual family”, which is characterized – as well as a plurilingual individual – by a varied and not necessarily balanced linguistic repertoire, this study raises the questions of the transmission of plurilingual practices as well as their development in the institutions in charge of spreading languages, especially in the Czech diaspora background. While families, developing their transnational behaviour, head their family linguistic policies more and more consciously towards the promotion of their plurilingual capital, the diaspora institutions remain in line with a national perspective. Perceived as ambassadors of the minority language-culture in the country where they act, they view the learning of languages and cultures from their monolingual context. The methodological nationalism which, in the Czech case, is based on the political emancipation of the Czech language and culture during the constitution of the state identity, is holding up the development of a didactic of plurilingualism.This research is based on a sociodidactic approach, at the crossing of the language didactic and sociolinguistics. Its field is the Czech diaspora in three countries (France, Croatia, Russia) and it relies on a mixed corpus of semi-directive interviews, institutional speeches and participant observation
16
Holopírková, Petra. "Western Balkans and Austrian position on the EU integration of Western Balkans." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-4952.
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Rozbor oficiálních stanovisek EU k rozšíření EU o země Západního Balkánu (Chorvatsko, Makedonie, Černá Hora, Albánie, BiH, Srbsko, nově Kosovo) ukazuje na zdrženlivost EU k vlastnímu aktu přijetí. Přes všechna prohlášení o vůli přijmout tyto země, tato vyjádření zůstávají spíše proklamací, bez vyhlášení konkrétních dat přijetí těchto zemí do společenství. Na rozdíl od Rakouska, která jako jediná země EU deklaruje co nejrychlejší rozšíření EU o země Západního Balkánu přímo ve vládním programu jako prioritu své zahraniční politiky. Motivace Rakouska je založena na důkladné ekonomické analýze situace, kdy Rakouské investice do těchto zemí jsou nejvyšší ze všech zemí EU. Mezi Rakouskem a zeměmi Západního Balkánu a Rakouskem probíhá čilý obchod i pohyb osob, na který ostatní země EU nejsou ještě připraveny. Překážkou rychlého přijetí se tedy jeví důvody povahy nikoliv ekonomické, ale politické. Evropská unie se shoduje na roku 2008 jako na roku klíčovém v přístupových jednáních. V době publikace této práce ovšem EU nebyla s to jako celek schválit nezávislost Kosova. Minimálně tento bod zůstává otevřen k dořešení v roce 2008 spolu s dalšími body týkajícími se příštího rozšíření. EU má v této chvíli (duben 2008) jasno, že favorizovanými kandidáty pro přístup jsou Chorvatsko, Makedonie a Albánie, zatím bez konkrétního data přístupu.
17
Řehořová, Veronika. "Transformace západního Balkánu se zvláštním důrazem na roli Stabilizačního a asociačního procesu." Doctoral thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2007. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-124998.
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This dissertation thesis is focused on the analysis of changing relations between the Western Balkan countries (WB) and the European Union (EU) against background of actual transformation processes in these countries. The Western Balkans represents a group of countries which were not part of so-called Eastern Enlargement of the EU, but are also slowly heading towards the EU. The EU distinguishes three groups of countries within the WB: Croatia has become an acceding country; then here is a group of candidate countries (Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM), Montenegro, Serbia), and the last group is formed by so-called potential candidate countries (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo). All of these above mentioned countries are part of the Stabilisation and Association Process (SAP) which nowadays represents the core of the Enlargement Policy of the EU and stands for the main research topic of this thesis. The thesis also comprehends the history of the enlargement process of the EU and the basic theoretical concepts of the (EU) enlargement. The "transformation" chapter includes a theoretical grounding too. Three hypotheses were verified (mainly) by results of transformation, evaluation of Copenhagen criteria by the European Commission, and by the statistical methods (Principal Components Analysis and Cluster Analysis) based on a number of economic and demographic indicators.
18
Kim, Hyoungsup. "The structure and use of collective numeral phrases in Slavic : Russian, Bosnian/Croatian/Serbian, and Polish." 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/10655.
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This dissertation investigates Slavic collective numerals and their syntactic structure from descriptive and structural perspectives on the basis of the operation Agree. The headedness of Slavic collective numeral phrases will be focused on with three Slavic languages: Russian, Bosnian/ Croatian/Serbian, and Polish. To analyze the semantic and morphosyntactic properties of Slavic collective numeral phrases, I adopted two important concepts proposed by Rappaport (2002, 2006): i) Minimal Lexical Representation (MLR) and ii) pre-valued abstract Quantitative Case (QC). MLR represents the semantic and formal features of nouns, which selectively combine with collective numerals, while the idea of QC can predict the heterogeneous and homogeneous patterns of case assignment. The presence of pre-valued abstract QC triggers heterogeneous morphosyntax, while the absence of QC triggers homogeneous morphosyntax. The spell-out forms of collective numerals are the direct result of morphological syncretic rules. In regard of the headedness of Slavic collective numeral phrases, this research claims that nouns are the heads of Slavic numeral phrases on the grounds that numerals, adjectives, and other modifiers agree with nouns, which functions as the locus of morphosyntax (Zwicky 1985). The use of collective numerals is determined by the properties of nouns. In each chapter, Slavic collective numerals will be analyzed from the three points of view: i) semantics, ii) morphology, and iii) syntax. Collective numerals can emphasize the meaning of collectivity, totality, and cohesiveness as an aggregate. BCS and Polish collective numerals strictly specify a group of mixed gender, while Russian does not. BCS is characterized by three different types of collective numerals: i) collective numeral substantives (dvojica ‘two’, trojica ‘three’, četvorica ’four’, petorica ’five’, etc.), collective numerals (dvoje ‘two’, troje ‘three’, četvoro ’four’, petoro ’five’, etc.), and collective numeral adjectives (dvoji (m.)/ dvoje (f.)/ dvoja (n.) ’two’, etc.). Moreover, indeclinability of numerals is one of the characteristics of BCS numerals. Polish has secondary gender, so-called virile marking, which does not apply to collective numerals. Polish collective numerals are strictly used to express a group of mixed gender.text
19
Chang, Li, and 張立. "Italy in EU Enlargement Policy: the case of accession process of Croatia." Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/79ndtg.
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碩士淡江大學
歐洲研究所碩士班
102
Abstract: Italy is an important supporter of European integration, it’s also one of the founding members of EU, and one of the members of the European Monetary System. This paper will be aiming at how Italy’s political, economic background effect on EU enlargement policy, in terms of Croatia’s accession to the EU. First of all, it will describe the economic and political situation of Italy after World War II, and how Italy benefits from the European integration, and how Italy join EU to realize the concept of European integration. Second, it will focus on the Italian geopolitical relations with the Balkans and Eastern European countries to see how Italy effects EU Enlargement Policy and external relations especially from the fifth enlargement in 2004 of EU and after. Third, it take Croatia’s accession to the EU as an example to see Italy’s role and how it choose between its own interests and EU’s benefit. This paper will focus on how EU’s old member state try to affect candidate country during the process of accession, and it take Italy and Croatia as examples, to see the output of domestic policies in both countries, as well as their foreign policy towards the EU enlargement process, and how Croatia modify their domestic policy in order to be in accordance with EU.
20
Chuang, Hui-Chin, and 莊慧瑾. "The Impact of Language Policy to The National Identity: A Case Study of Standardization of Serbo-Croatian." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/efhh9e.
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碩士國立政治大學
斯拉夫語文學系
107
The thesis aims to, on the one hand, figure out how language policies have influenced national identity in Yugoslavia, and investigate the collapse of the Serbo-Croatian language. The Serbo-Croatian language was a cultural invention of nationalism during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Under the influence of romanticism, south Slavic scholars began to trace back who they were and tried to reconstruct their identity and to build their nation. Sharing the same spirit, Serbian linguist Vuk Karadžić and Croatian linguist Ljudevit Gaj reformed both Serbian and Croatian languages, as an approach to demonstrate their independent national identity to other Europeans. In 1850, the term “Serbo-Croatian” was coined and had existed until the end of the twentieth century. However, the term “Serbo-Croatian” was eventually collapsed and divided into “Serbian,” “Croatian,” “Bosnian,” and “Montenegrin.” The names of these languages also embody their “state-nations.” The thesis reaches a conclusion that language is a key to unite people; however, when the civil war broke out in 1990s, the name of this unified “language” had nonetheless become a critical site of struggles. This particular case study demonstrates how nationalism and national identities have affected language policies, instead of the other way around. It is important to emphasize that while a nation endeavors to create its “language,” such a linguistic formation would simultaneously construct its creator. The thesis is to provide a case study of Yugoslavia, we can see how nationalism affects language policy, but at the same time how language policy makes impact on national identity. I hope this paper can bring some insights for Taiwan's current language policy and language planning.
21
Ljubic, Maria Christina. "Recognition Denied: An Examination of UK and US Foreign Policy towards the Republic of Croatia." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/4593.
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This thesis examines the development of decision making taken by two countries, the United Kingdom and the United States, in response to Croatia’s declaration of independence from Yugoslavia. The focus is on the recognition process and the reasoning and rationale used by the government officials and diplomats of the United Kingdom and United States to arrive at their policy decisions and opinions. The concentration is mainly on events from the early 1990s until mid 1992. Topics explored include matters such the politics behind non-recognition, democratic social norms, respect for human rights and Western national interests.
The thesis first hypothesizes, then analyses, which International Relations theory, that is, realism or constructivism, possesses the best capacity explain why these nations initially withheld their recognition of Croatia’s independence before moving to accept the Republic of Croatia as an independent state. The role of the International Relations theories is to offer an interpretation and understanding of these events and decisions. Subsequently, they are judged on their ability to do so. The thesis finds that via the insight of scholars, analysts and theoretical perspectives that both the John Major government of the UK and the George H.W. Bush Administration of the United States behaved mostly according to realist principles, with some instances of constructivist manner.Graduate
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cljubic9@gmail.com
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Liu, Ming-long, and 劉明龍. "The Implications of the Independence of Croatia and Bosnia on the European Union''s Balkan Policy: From an Ethnic Conflict Aspect." Thesis, 2011. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/90419987712059997138.
Abstract:
碩士南華大學
歐洲研究所
99
The Balkans has always been, the source of instability and conflict in Europe, especially in the former Yugoslavia independence. Although the 1974 Constitution of the Republic granted and the autonomous provinces of equal status, most of the Serbs are still not satisfied with such condition, as a result, having been engaged in conflict with the other two ethnics-Slovenians & Croatians. The most notably is the Serbs emphasized "Greater Serbia Doctrine" that laid the fuse of the ethnic conflict and the disintegration of Federal State. This paper will investigate the incident from different level. First, the reasons for the disintegration of Yugoslavia and the process, during Tito''s rule of the communist regime to the Republic (Croatia, Bosnia --Herzegovina) have been independent; Second, because of ethnic conflicts with neighboring Serbia, civil war and the War of Independence; Third, the independence of Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina for the Balkans, ethnic conflicts of the European Union or what kind of impact.
23
Zühlke, Dietmar [Verfasser]. "Reforms and foreign direct investment : possibilities and limits of public policy in attracting multinational corporations ; a multiple case study of Romania and Croatia / vorgelegt von Dietmar Zühlke." 2009. http://d-nb.info/99343746X/34.
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Radalj, Lovorka. "Německá evropská politika na západním Balkánu na příkladu vstupu Chorvatska do EU." Master's thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-333486.
Abstract:
The master thesis "Germany's European policy in the Western Balkans on the example of Croatia's accession to the EU" deals with the role of the Federal Republic of Germany in the Europeanisation of the countries of the Western Balkans in order to achieve stability in the region and peaceful resolution of the conflicts. Germany's main objectives in its European Policy in the Western Balkans have been to restore democracy, liberal economic market, rule of law, resolution of the refugee problem, protection of minorities, protection of the human rights and regional cooperation. The stabilisation of the Western Balkan should be achieved by its integration with the West: EU and NATO. Germany is intensively present in the Western Balkans since the breakup of Yugoslavia in the 1990s. Through its active involvement in the crisis of Kosovo, Germany strengthened its leadership role and responsibility within the EU. At the same time it also strengthened its position in the Western Balkans by its political, economic and humanitarian engagement. The focus will be on the description and interpretation of the motives of Germany's involvement in the integration of the Western Balkan in the EU. The aim of the thesis is to interpret the steps Germany took as a strong advocate of the EU- accession by the example of Croatia's...
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Yurchenia, Galina. "Koncept multilateralismu v německé politice na Balkánu: uznání samostatnosti Slovinska a Chorvatska (1991) a Kosova (2008)." Master's thesis, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-338796.
Abstract:
The diploma thesis "The Multilateralism Concept in German Policy toward the Balkans: Germany's Recognition of the Independence of Slovenia and Croatia (1991) and Kosovo (2008)" deals with the role of the Federal Republic of Germany in the process of recognition of the independence of successor states of Yugoslavia in the context of discussion about transformation of the German multilateralism and normalization of the German foreign policy. The disciplined interpretive case study focuses on selected examples, which were perceived as the most controversial by German and foreign political and social circles: the German pressure on the international recognition of Slovenia and Croatia in 1991, which caused strong criticisms and fears, that the unified Germany would leave the principle of multilateralism in exchange for a unilateral promotion of its national interests; and the recognition of Kosovo in 2008, which meant ignoring the UN resolution 1244. The aim of the thesis is to describe and to interpret motives and the manners of the Germany's acting in the selected causes in detail and to test the hypothesis by Rainer Baumann about transformation of the German multilateralism "towards more instrumental perception of the multilateral cooperation and orientation on material and status-oriented national...