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Baldé, Saïkou Oumar. "Les Organes de gestion des élections en Afrique de l’Ouest : approche comparative entre le Mali et la Guinée." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021BORD0271.
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Les commissions électorales indépendantes ou autonomes sont apparues en Afrique à la moitié des années 1990 dans le but démocratique de résoudre les crises autour de l’organisation d’élections. Ce sont des institutions juridiquement responsables de l’ensemble ou d’une partie du processus électoral. Elles sont soit politiques, techniques ou mixtes et sont perçues comme une solution à l’absence de transparence dans les processus électoraux. Le Mali et la Guinée ont choisi des commissions électorales politiques. Si la présence des partis politiques au sein de ces commissions est le gage d’une volonté de transparence et de crédibilité des élections, toutefois, ouvrir les commissions électorales aux formations politiques fait courir le risque de reproduire, en leur sein, les rivalités politiques. La création des organes de gestion des élections s’est effectuée au gré de différentes crises et intrigues politiques. Sur le plan théorique, tous les instruments juridiques qui encadrent l’organisation des élections reconnaissent et garantissent des élections libres et transparentes. Toutefois, dans la pratique, les textes et institutions sont instrumentalisés et manipulés, altérant ainsi la confiance des acteurs politiques dans une administration électorale politisée à outrance. La qualité des processus électoraux demeure en effet suspecte en raison de la faiblesse ou de la partialité de ses membres ou tout simplement de la communautarisation des élections. Les élections deviennent le moyen par lequel le système politique se perpétue depuis des années et la fraude électorale le régulateur systémique. Nous ne sommes plus dans les crises inhérentes à l’absence d’élection, mais des crises liées à des élections truquées. Le vote en tant qu’outil de désignation des élites à la disposition des citoyens est ici affaibli et les éventuels dispositifs de contrôle ne permettent pas d’endiguer les multiples fraudes orchestrées lors des scrutinsIndependent or autonomous electoral commissions emerged in Africa in the mid-1990s with the democratic aim of resolving crises surrounding the organization of elections. They are institutions legally responsible for all or part of the electoral process. They are either political, technical or mixed and are seen as a solution to the lack of transparency in electoral processes. Mali and Guinea have chosen political electoral commissions. While the presence of political parties in these commissions is a guarantee of transparency and credibility of the elections, opening the electoral commissions to political parties runs the risk of reproducing political rivalries within them. The creation of electoral management bodies has taken place in the context of various crises and political intrigues. In theory, all legal instruments governing the organization of elections recognize and guarantee free and transparent elections. However, in practice, the texts and institutions are used and manipulated, thereby undermining the confidence of political actors in an overly politicized electoral administration. The quality of electoral processes remains suspect because of the weakness or partiality of its members or simply the communalization of elections. Elections become the means by which the political system is perpetuated for years and electoral fraud the systemic regulator. We are no longer in the crises inherent in the absence of elections, but in the crises linked to rigged elections. The vote as a tool for the designation of elites at the disposal of the citizens is weakened and the possible control devices do not allow the containment of the multiple frauds orchestrated during the polls
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Ferreyra, Ricardo Diego. "Political transition and institutionalization of party politics in Venezuela." FIU Digital Commons, 2000. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3314.
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The purpose of this thesis is to evaluate the processes of consolidation and decomposition of the Venezuelan party system and their relation to democratic stability. Both processes are analyzed through a theoretical framework based on four conditions for institutionalization and three conditions for decomposition of a party system.
Preliminary findings reveal that the Venezuelan party system became institutionalized as of 1969 but began to unravel during the 1980s. This particular order, whose legitimacy rested on the distribution of rents, solidified an arrangement that collapsed when confronted with a deteriorating economic environment combined with growing popular disenchantment stemming from its institutional inability to represent and respond to shifting demands. The thesis also concludes that current political developments do not respond to a process of institutionalization of a new party system but to the development of an inchoate system.
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Sir, Aslan Yavuz. "Political Modernization And Informal Politics In Uzbekistan." Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12608637/index.pdf.
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The objective of this thesis is to examine the political modernization experience of the Uzbeks. In order to do that, first, this dissertation critically analyze the modernization theory, and second, the identity- and socio-political transformation of Uzbeks in the pre-modern and modern eras. The political modernization of Uzbeks and its relation with the peculiar social-political structures, as well as the impact of Tsarist and the Soviet rule on those structures are examined. Moreover, the dissertation analyzes the emergence of an Uzbek political identity and its influence on the post-Soviet independent Uzbekistan. The main argument of this dissertation is that the Uzbek experience under the Tsarist and Soviet rule has inevitably transformed the Uzbek society and achieved relative success in changing the traditional forms into ostensibly modern ones. However, despite the successful political modernization during the Soviet era, the specific socio-political organization, clans and kinship structures inherent in the Uzbek society succeeded adapting and even transforming modern institutions and structures externally imposed by the Soviet. These informal traditional structures emerged as strong institutions in the post-independence era. Moreover, the dissertation claims that the transition and modernization approaches to Post-Soviet Uzbekistan failed in understanding the peculiar socio-political structures and their impact on informal politics in independent Uzbekistan.
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Rotnem, Thomas Eric. "The politics of employment in Yeltsin's Russia: the crucial nexus between economic and political transitions /." The Ohio State University, 1996. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487935125878939.
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Rogers, Nathalia Ablovatskaya. "The politics of business in an age of transition : political attitudes and political participation of the Russian capital owners." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36787.
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Significant and rapid social change has occurred in Russia in the recent decade. With the collapse of communism and the dissolution of the former socialist block, Russian society entered a new stage of development, a stage of transformation towards a capitalist society with a democratic political system. In the course of this transformation, a new social group of Russian private capital owners has emerged.This research focuses on the political attitudes and political participation of Russian businessmen who own and manage their own capital. In particular, it examines the extent to which capital owners are willing to support the consolidation of the democratic regime in Russia. The analysis was based on interviews with 60 capital owners conducted in Moscow, the capital of Russia. I examine their attitudes towards democracy, democratic institutions and democratic procedures, along with their ways of political participation in correlation with the size and origin of the capital that the businessmen own, controlling for age, education and political past. The purpose of this analysis was to establish if structural conditions such as the size and origin of the capital might play a role in a capital owners' pro-liberal political orientation.
Three main conclusions emerge from this research: (1) Russian capital owners are not uniformly pro-liberal in their political orientation, some businessmen being hostile to democratic political rule, and others having only limited pro-liberal political attitudes; (2) those capital owners who have pro-liberal political attitudes, limited or not, are the least likely to participate politically; (3) owners of small and medium sized independent type capital constitute the most pro-democratic group among Russian businessmen.
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Nestheide, Robert B. "State Responses to Energy Transitions: Great Power Navies and their Transition from Coal to Oil." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1470757740.
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Brooks, Michael Sheldon. "Seizing power from within : an analysis of intra-party transitions in Canada." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp03/NQ56511.pdf.
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Carlson, Heidi M. "Perceptions of regime legitimacy in Mozambique Legitimacy in transition? /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Sep%5FCarlson.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Letitia Lawson, Jessica Piombo. "September 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 59-64). Also available in print.
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Manukyan, Alla. "Fraudulent Elections, Political Protests, and Regime Transitions." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2011. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_diss/21.
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This research studies protests after fraudulent elections in a collective action framework, examining the impact of the potential cost, benefit and likelihood of success of protest on the occurrence and intensity of protests. Quantitative analysis of fraudulent elections in about 100 countries from 1990 to 2004 shows that the odds of protest after fraudulent elections are greater when the level of state repression is moderate with a possible backlash effect of high repression, when the opposition is united, and when international monitors denounce election results. The analysis only partially supports the benefit of protest argument. Also, the research uses case studies from Eurasia (Armenia, Belarus, Georgia, and Russia) and mini-case studies from Africa and Latin America to study in more detail the effects of the factors identified in the quantitative analysis and to identify overlooked but important explanatory factors using a set of extensive interviews conducted in the United States and during fieldwork in Armenia, Georgia, and Russia with politicians, domestic and international election monitors, and country experts.
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Fukuoka, Yuki. "Indonesia's "democratic transition" revisited : a clientelist model of political transition." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.544392.
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Bedingfield, Robin Claire. "The Mexican military and political transition." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1992. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/28285725.html.
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Hakobyan, Lilit. "Essays on growth and political transition." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Nationalekonomi, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-92600.
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Watson, Sally E. "Sinn FeÌin politics and republican ideology : a study of republican discourse and political transition, 1969-2002." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.413795.
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Moore, Peter S. "From Zapatistas to democracy?, Mexico's political transition." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0018/MQ48479.pdf.
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David-Barrett, Elizabeth. "Theorising political corruption in transition Eastern Europe." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.550500.
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The thesis has three aims. First, it engages in a theoretical discussion about how to define corruption and how to explain its occurrence. Second, it seeks to trace how privatisation policy was shaped and implemented in the first decade of privatisation in Croatia and Hungary, with reference to qualitative data gathered during interviews with elite informants and a review of literature about the period and the policy. This evidence is interpreted in light of the preceding theoretical discussion. Third, it suggests a new way of understanding behaviour that is commonly identified as corrupt, by modelling the choices that individuals face as exchange decisions and arguing that social networks provide incentives and constraints which help to explain some of the patterns of conduct observed in the case studies.
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Moore, Peter S. Carleton University Dissertation Journalism and Communication. "From Zapatistas to democracy? Mexico's political transition." Ottawa, 1999.
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Ebata, Joanne Michi. "The transition from war to peace : politics, political space and the peace process industry in Mozambique, 1992-1995." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1999. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/427/.
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The 'peace process' is a common expression in international politics. It describes and explains events in seemingly disparate locations as Northern Ireland, the Middle East, and Southern Africa, which share only the common occurrence of violent conflict. One outstanding feature of these peace processes is the active participation of international actors or external 'third parties'. Whether they are states, international organisations or nongovernmental organisations, these external actors comprise an industry focussed on the peace process. However, in providing assistance to countries making the transition from war to peace, as an industry these external third parties often reconfigure the political space of host societies in a manner which frustrates the intended goal of attaining peace. The following analysis focuses on the process of implementing a comprehensive peace settlement to show how the peace process industry operates, using the case of Mozambique. The Mozambican peace process was selected because it is generally presented as a success which justifies similar activities in future cases. Therefore it is crucial to examine whether the intervention was a success, what kind of success and a success for whom. As Mozambique was inundated with international actors engaged in all kinds of activities, supported by substantial funding, it serves as a useful example from which to study the peace process industry at work. Mozambique is also one of the poorest countries in the world and is thus representative of larger processes in the developing world and its relationship with donors and the United Nations. This thesis draws out a number of themes on the aggregate impact of external third parties on the political space of Mozambique and uses this as a basis for reaching conclusions applicable to other cases. It seeks to contribute to debates in international relations on how questions regarding the role of international actors in peace processes and the assistance they provide should be answered.
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Holo, Guy-Fabrice. "Les régimes de transition en Afrique subsaharienne francophone." Thesis, Paris 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017PA01D062.
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L’Afrique subsaharienne francophone vit des phases de transition entre des «formes politiques» de parti unique ou de démocratie limitée vers des «formes politiques» de pluripartisme ou de démocratie. Il ressort de l’observation de ces transitions que les régimes politiques, entendus ici comme formes de séparation des pouvoirs, utilisés lors de ces transitions adoptent les mêmes caractéristiques. La fonction du régime de transition, qui est de permettre la libéralisation des institutions politiques de l’État, est facilitée par l’adoption d’une forme parlementaire de régime. Cependant, une analyse plus approfondie révèle que si tous ces régimes adoptent les caractéristiques «externes» du régime parlementaire, «la forme politique» n’est pas la même. Dans un cas, elle traduit une forte concentration du pouvoir dans le corps du Chef de l’État, quand dans l’autre, elle est se répartit entre les organes du régime. Aussi, il n’y a pas, de régime de transition, mais plutôt un «modèle constitutionnel» de la période qui reprend partout les mêmes éléments, sans en tirer les mêmes conséquencesSub-Saharan Africa has been known for going through transitional phases from one-party state dictatorship or limited democracy to a multi-party system or a real democracy. Observing these transitions highlights the fact that the same type of regimes is used during the process. At first, it can be said that transitions are made by a parliamentary system. Adopting this specific form of regime enhances the aim of the transitional regime, which lies into liberalizing the political institutions of the country. Nevertheless, a more profound study reveals that if all those regimes may have the external criteria of a parliamentary system, it's not the same regime per se. In one case, most of the power remains in the hand of the head of State while in the other, it's a shared power. Thus, there is no transitional regime but what can be described as a "constitutional model" of the transition that uses the same organs but with a different distribution of power between them
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Miller, Rachel L. "Political Party Transitions in Post-Conflict States: How Political Parties Reacted and Adapted During Democratic Transitions in Cambodia, El Salvador and Mozambique." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1357753213.
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Mechnig, Christopher Markus. "A Comparative Study of the Namibian and South African Transitions to Democracy and the Effects on Reconciliation." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4105.
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Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The Namibian transition to independence and the South African transition to a majority democracy have many similarities as well as differences. The key similarities are composed of the shared history and mutual influences on society, the economy and national politics. Key differences constitute the manner in which the transitions were executed: internationally imposed in the Namibian case, and internally negotiated in the South African case. Almost every facet of Namibian and South African societies have in some way or another been imprinted by the respective transitions, which also contributed to the shape of the national consciousness. However, decades of stateenforced racial discrimination in the form of Apartheid legislation left its mark on both the Namibian and South African society. As a result, public and private consciousness is marred with racial and ethnic identities created and legislated during Apartheid, which is hampering democratic consolidation. This study provides a comparison between the South African and Namibian transitions, within the broader context of democratic consolidation. This study contends that reconciliation is a necessary condition for democratic consolidation in South Africa and Namibia, and aims to assess whether there is any significant difference between the impact of the internationally orchestrated Namibian transition as opposed to the internally negotiated South African transition on levels of reconciliation in the two countries. This is done by applying Gibson’s (2004) four criteria of reconciliation (interracial reconciliation, political tolerance, support for the principles of democracy and legitimacy) to the South African and Namibian cases. The hypothesis is that there should be less support for democratic ideals in Namibia than in South Africa, on the basis that democracy was, to a certain degree, forced unto Namibian society, while it was freely chosen by South African society. The main finding of this study, however, suggests that the differences in the transition style - the one being internationally orchestrated and the other being internally negotiated- seems not to have had any significant affect on national reconciliation. It seems as though hostility between different groups based mainly on the superficial racial and ethnic differences that were created during Apartheid has made way for hostility centred more on socio-economic differences. While socio-economic issues have become the overriding concern for both South Africans and Namibians, socio-economic differences between individuals and groups are still largely tied to ethnicity and race.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die onafhanklikheidswording en die oorgang na ‘n meerderheidsdemokrasie van onderskeidelik Namibië en Suid-Afrika word gekenmerk deur ‘n aantal ooreenkomste asook verskille. Die sleutel ooreenkomste behels die gedeelde geskiedkundige agtergrond, die invloede van die ekonomie en nasionalie politiek klimaat en die gevolglike uitwerking van hierdie faktore op die samelewing. In kontras behels die verskille die wyse waarop die oorgang uitgevoer is. In die Suid-Afrikaanse konteks is die proses deur interne onderhandelinge bewerkstellig terwyl die Namibiese oorgang sterk beinvloed is deur eksterne invloede. Ongeag hierdie verskille het die verwikkelinge ‘n hewige impak gehad op beide die Suid- Afrikaanse, asook die Namibiese publiek en hul kollektiewe bewussyn. Die invloed van jare se rasdiskriminasie in die vorm van apartheidswetgewing het egter sy tol op die publiek geëis. Die gevolg is die merkbare invloed van ras en etniese identiteite op albei lande se bevolkings wat oor die langtermyn demokratiese konsolidasie kan teenwerk. Hierdie studie tref ‘n vergelyking tussen Suid-Afrika an Namibië binne die breër konteks van demokratiese konsolidasie. Die studie veronderstel dat versoening ‘n noodsaaklike vereiste is vir demokratiese konsolidasie in Suid-Afrika en Namibië, en poog ook om die invloed van die intern-gedrewe Suid-Afrikaanse transisie teenoor die ekstern-georkestreerde Namibiese transisie te assesseer. Dit word gedoen deur die toepassing van Gibson (2004) se vier-voudige konsep van versoening (inter-ras versoening, politieke verdraagsaamheid, ondersteuning vir die beginsels van demokrasie en legitimiteit) op beide lande. Die hipotese word as volg geformuleer: Die Namibiese bevolking toon ‘n negatiewe ingesteldheid teenoor demokratiese beginsels aangesien demokrasie as regeerstelsel op die bevolking afgedwing is, in kontras met Suid-Afrika waar demokrasie as regeerstelsel deur ‘n meerderheidstemming verkies is. Die hoofbevinding van hierdie werkstuk is egter dat die verskille in die aard van die oorgang na demokrasie in beide lande nie ‘n noemenswardige invloed gehad het op nasionale versoening nie. Dit blyk egter dat konflik tussen sekere bevolkingsgroepe wat hoofsaaklik spruit uit die etniese en ras identiteite, soos geformuleer deur die apartheidswetgewing, huidiglik gesentreer is rondom sosio-ekonomiese verskille. Gevolglik word dit gemeld dat hierdie sosio-ekonomiese verskille direk verband hou met ras en etnisiteit. i
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Szemere, Anna. "Pop culture, politics, and social transition /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9820881.
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Kupatadze, Alexander. "‘Transitions after transitions’ : coloured revolutions and organized crime in Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/1320.
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This dissertation addresses organized crime in post-Soviet Eurasia (Georgia, Ukraine, Kyrgyzstan) exploring the nexus between politics, business and crime. Based on extensive field research in the three countries the dissertation examines organized crime groups in the region and describes their inter-relationships with political and business elites, then discusses the impact of the three countries’ Coloured Revolutions on crime and corruption. The impacts of the revolutions on organized crime are situated in several variables, among them political opposition to incumbent regimes; the strength of civil society and the role of organized crime groups during the revolutionary processes; personal morals of the leaders and their views on cooperation with organized crime; and the presence and nature of the “pact” between outgoing and incoming elites. The dissertation also takes into account larger explanatory variables, such as geography, natural resources, industry, and regional wars and documents their role in shaping organized crime. In accounting for the diverging patterns of the three countries in terms of post-revolutionary effects on crime and corruption, the role of the West, defined as a “push” factor for democratization, and the experience of earlier statehood are also considered. The interaction between elites and criminals is regarded as a crucial part of state formation, and is characterized by shifting dominance between the actors of the underworld and upperworld. The thesis identifies points of cooperation and conflict between licit and illicit actors, and provides insight into the collusive nature of criminal networks in the post-Soviet context, arguing that the distinction between licit and illicit is frequently blurred and the representatives of the upperworld are sometimes key participants in organized criminal activity.
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Davies, Andrew Daniel. "Networks of Transitional Tibetan Politics." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.507455.
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Fogg, Erik (Erik D. ). "Generalizing power transitions as a cause of war." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/53080.
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Thesis (S.M. and S.B.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2009.Includes bibliographical references (p. 68-70).
In this thesis, I ask three questions about the nature of power transition theory. First, I ask whether power transition theory can be generalized beyond identification of great powers or regional hierarchies. Lemke and Werner introduce the concept of a multiple hierarchical order, in which mutually relevant regional powers can go to war over dissatisfaction with a regional status quo. I submit that this concept can be generalized into a continuous concept to include all states within the umbrella of the theory. Second, I ask how often status quo states initiate war in power transition cases. Jack Levy explains that status quo states have a motive to launch a preemptive war against a revisionist state, before it becomes too powerful to defeat. I submit that these motivations lead to a high incidence of status quo actor-initiated war in power transitions. Finally, I ask whether the rate of change of relative power matters during a transition period. I hypothesize that quick changes in the relative difference in power between two states would create a fast-closing window of opportunity. This closing window creates a crisis and motivates leaders to move quickly, leading to a higher probability of avoidable war. Incorporation of rate of power transition could explain war in power transition cases yet to achieve true parity, or even explain peace in a period of parity and revisionism. To test these questions, I create a large, inclusive (571,000+ N) dataset of nearly all dyads between 1821 and 2001, using the Correlates of War Composite Index of National Capabilities as the basis of power independent variables, and a composite of distance and power measurements to determine the relevance independent variable. I run a number of regressions of the power and relevance independent variables against the onset of war. I reach decisive conclusions about the nature of power dynamics in the international system, and propose their incorporation into the power transition literature. Generalized, continuous measurements of relevance, parity, and rate of change of power transition increase the explanatory power of the model; the revisionist state does not always or even usually provoke power transition war; finally, higher rates of power transition lead to a higher probability of war. The thesis ends with a number of shortfalls with the model I propose, and a number of further revisions and expansions of power transition theory.
by Erik Fogg.
S.M.and S.B.
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Engström, Eskil. "Making Socio-Technical Transition Pathways : The establishment of the Swedish Climate Policy Council, an Argumentative Policy Analytical case study." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-192915.
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In recent years, several nations have adopted institutional framework laws, so-called Climate Change Acts (CCAs), as means to enforce Paris-compliant mitigation pathways. A key institutional feature to ensure policy stability and compliance with CCAs has been the establishment of independent advisory bodies, tasked with advising on mitigation targets and policy instruments, as well as the, monitoring and evaluation of target attainment. These advisory bodies are endowed with a crucial role in the long-term evaluation and planning process: examining how the low-carbon transition pathways might be achieved. Calling attention to the question of how transition pathways should be conceived and approached, whether it is in 'bio-physical' (climate science), 'techno- economic' (technology assessment/economics) or 'socio-technical' (socio-technical transition field) terms. Recent studies have indicated that a socio-technical transitions is increasingly framed as a question of removing carbon energy from various practices and infrastructures, challenging the dominant techno-economic approach of emissions reductions using carbon-pricing instruments. This thesis explores this challenge, drawing upon a case study of the establishment of the Swedish Climate Policy Council, by means of analyzing the process of institutionalization and how transition pathways are (re)produced discursively through the practices of climate policy evaluation and planning. The main findings of this thesis is that a cross-party consensus behind the Swedish CCA was formed around institutionalizing a 'bio-physical’ mitigation pathway, monitored and safeguarded by the Council which could assign 'political embarrassment' to governments failing to comply with the interim and long-term GHG mitigation targets. Beyond this consensus, the institutional design of the Council is the result of discursive struggles between actor-coalitions supporting techno-economic versus socio-technical transition pathways. However, the recently formed Council has come to challenge previously dominant techno-economic practices of forecasting cost-efficient emissions reductions. This has been accomplished by introducing a novel socio-technical approach to climate policy evaluation: the backcasting of interrelated technological and institutional shifts believed to be necessary in bringing about a low-carbon transition or transformation. Nevertheless, as this socio-technical practice primarily backcasts upon a number of key technological innovations, with limited changes to current industrial patterns of production and consumption, doubts are raised if this approach is to be considered as constitutive of transformative transition pathways.
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Sum, Ngai-ling Ivin, and 岑艾玲. "Towards political education for transition: the development of political studies in Hong Kong secondaryschool." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1985. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31955496.
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Wong, Hok Wui. "Endogenous capital mobility and regime transitions." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1665712501&sid=16&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Etter, Luca. "The role of political parties in Taiwan's democratic transition." St. Gallen, 2006. http://www.biblio.unisg.ch/org/biblio/edoc.nsf/wwwDisplayIdentifier/02604767002/$FILE/02604767002.pdf.
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Pecourt, Juan. "A study of Spanish intellectuals during the political transition." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.614890.
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O'Rourke, Catherine. "The law and politics of gender in transition : a feminist exploration of transitional justice in Chile, Northern Ireland and Colombia." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.554289.
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This thesis examines feminist engagement with, and gendered outcomes of, transitional justice in Chile, Northern Ireland, and Colombia. The focus throughout is twofold. Firstly, the thesis examines the mobilization of women and feminists in each jurisdiction to influence legal change in transition. In particular, the definition of violence and injustice to be ended by transition articulated by feminist and women's organizations is explored. Secondly, doctrinal analysis examines provision for truth, justice, reparations and institutional reform in transition, in order to identify legal definitions of the violence and injustice to be ended by transition. The doctrinal analysis reveals the extent to which women's gender-specific experiences of violence and injustice are recognized and addressed by legal change in transition. Feminist and legal definitions of violence and injustice in transition are thereby juxtaposed. Analysis proceeds with particular attention to the legal treatment of violence against women and the legal regulation of women's reproductive lives. These two issues have been cited for priority concern in transnational feminist campaigning over the past two decades. Similarly, the international human rights legal framework has adapted considerably over the same period to provide express recognition of a range of rights women with respect to violence against women and women's reproductive lives. The cases under study involve a substantial temporal range: from the Chilean transition to democracy in 1990, to the more recent transition to non-violent conflict in Northern Ireland, to the contemporary process of transitional justice in Colombia. Analysis reveals the changing tapestry of international law underpinning gender and transition over this period, in respect of women's human rights, and more demanding standards of accountability for harms of the past. Further, analysis reveals how this evolving legal context has impacted the terms of feminist engagement with, and gendered outcomes of, legal change in transition. The thesis contends that, over the course of two decades, feminist and legal articulations of violence and injustice in transition have been brought closer together through feminist-informed developments in international human rights law. As the practice of transitional justice has expanded and become increasingly standardized through the influence of international law, feminist organizations have established themselves transnationally and locally as players in the design of legal change in transition. The thesis concludes by considering how feminist and legal understandings of violence and injustice to be ended by transition might be brought together more comprehensively, in a feminist law of transitional justice. However, the case studies reveal the added responsibility and potential costs of feminist engagement with transitional justice engendered by the emergence of feminist organizations as players in the negotiation of legal change in transition. In an increasingly complex political and legal landscape, the thesis ultimately concludes against a feminist legal template for transitional justice. Instead, the thesis proposes the feminist pursuit of justice in transition, and outlines four key principles to guide such engagement.
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Sawadogo, Aboubacar. "Les stratégies de sortie de crises politiques au Burkina Faso." Thesis, Université Paris-Saclay (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SACLV059/document.
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La dynamique des crises politiques au Burkina Faso a été empreinte de mobilisations multisectorielles ayant entraîné une désectorisation conjoncturelle de l'espace social avec pour corollaire une mobilité des enjeux des confrontations et des transactions collusives d’opposition et de gouvernement. Ces mobilisations se sont faites autour d’enjeux relatifs notamment : à la conquête du pouvoir d’État, au contrôle de l’appareil d’État ; à l’amélioration des conditions de vie des travailleurs ; à la propriété foncière ; à l’intangibilité des règles constitutionnelles relatives à l’exercice du pouvoir d’État ; à l’alternance au sommet de l’État ; à la participation de certains acteurs à la compétition politique ; à la prise de mesures d’atténuation de la cherté de la vie ; à la quête de la vérité et de la justice.Au final, les mobilisations multisectorielles ont été à l’origine de changements politiques qui, selon la conjoncture, ont été soit pacifiques, soit violents.Quelles que soient leurs caractéristiques, les différentes crises politiques ont contraint les protagonistes, mais aussi des tierces personnes à ces crises, à y trouver des solutions par le recours à diverses stratégies.Ces stratégies de sortie de crises politiques se sont jouées autour d’enjeux liés à : la conservation du pouvoir politique, la préservation de la paix sociale, le redressement économique et financier de l’État, le rétablissement de l’ordre public, la quête de la vérité et de la justice, l’obtention du pardon et de la réconciliation nationale.Elles ont donné lieu à une diversité d’initiatives avec pour corollaire une variété des moyens, coercitifs et pacifiques, utilisés pour sortir des situations de crise. En outre, les initiatives de sortie de crises politiques ont débouché sur des dynamiques de transitions constitutionnelles et de justice transitionnelle. Si elles ont constitué des processus distincts, elles n’en ont pas moins eu des finalités communes : la garantie des droits et la reconstruction de l’État de droit. Ces finalités communes peuvent coïncider de sorte que la dynamique de justice transitionnelle intègre le texte constitutionnel consacrant ainsi sa constitutionnalisation. Finalement, ces dynamiques transitionnelles ont constitué des fenêtres d’opportunités pour procéder à des réformes constitutionnelles et de politiques publiquesThe dynamics of the political crises in Burkina Faso have been marked by multisectoral mobilizations having led to a cyclical desectorization of the social space, with the consequence of a mobility of the stakes of confrontations and collusive opposition and government transactions.These mobilizations were made around relative issues including: the conquest of state power, the control of the state apparatus; to the improvement of the living conditions of the workers; land ownership; the inviolability of constitutional rules relating to the exercise of State power; alternation at the top of the state; the participation of certain actors in the political competition; taking measures to mitigate the high cost of living and the quest for truth and justice.In the end, the multisectoral mobilizations have been at the origin of political changes which, according to the conjuncture, were either peaceful or violent.The different political strategies have forced the protagonists, but also third parties to these crises, to find solutions by the use of various strategies.These strategies out of political crises were played around issues related to: the preservation of political power, the preservation of social peace, the economic and financial recovery of the state, the restoration of public order, the quest truth and justice, obtaining forgiveness and national reconciliation.They have given rise to a variety of initiatives, resulting in a variety of means, coercive and peaceful, used to emerge from crisis situations. In addition, the initiatives to end political crises have resulted in constitutional transitions and transitional justice. Although they constituted distinct processes, they nevertheless had common goals: the guarantee of rights and the reconstruction of the rule of law. These common goals can coincide so that the dynamics of transitional justice integrate the constitutional text thus consecrating its constitutionalisation. Finally, these transitional dynamics constituted windows of opportunity to carry out constitutional and public policy reforms
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Johnson, Chalamanda Fiona Michaela. "'Interpretations in transition' : literature and political transition in Malawi and South Africa in the 1990s." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/3427.
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In this thesis I explore instances of literary engagement with the major transitions in national political formation in Malawi and South Africa; both countries moved from a totalitarian regime to democratic government, brought in by multi-party elections, in 1994. Most analyses of the wave of democratic transitions in Southern Africa are either historical, political or economic in their approach. The shift of political power from one constituency to another also requires another kind of study, of the impact of the political changes on lived experience through an analysis of people's creative expression. The artistic expressions of the experi nce of change are at times strikingly similar in the two countries, especially how artists imagine newness and simultaneously negotiate a past which was subject to repression. Literature is important in this political process, for it has a licence to reinterpret conventional representations and dominant narratives, often through fictionalising and creating new imaginative possibilities. I consider whether literary production in Malawi and South Africa is comparable in the light of this idea, despite the obvious differences in political configuration, geographic factors and levels of industrialisation and urbanisation, and ask whether political transition is a legitimate point of departure for interpreting literature. In the process I seek to identify similarities, and even overt influences or alliances between the literary practices in Malawi and South Africa during and since the transition. I analyse a wide variety of literary forms, some of which may transgress conventional definitions of 'literature'. Examples include the reader-contributions sent in to a newspaper's literary pages by its readers and the two historical accounts of women's experience. I discuss the porous distinction between fiction and history, realism and magic realism, as well as the subjective distinctions between formal and popular literature. The ambiguity of the title of my thesis therefore conveys the fact that the more established modes of literary interpretation are themselves also currently in transition. My intention here is not to argue what kind of literature is good or bad, valuable or trivial, but to discuss and interpret contextually the kinds of literature which are being produced and published. Chapter 1 of my thesis discussesth e work of JackM apanje and Nadine Gordimer, two 'veterans' of censorship under their respective regimes, suggesting how their writing has changed with freedom of expression. With the transition came experimentation and a wave of writing on fantastical, magical and irrational subjects. The writers discussed in Chapter 2 serve as a contrast to the engaged realism of Gordimer and to some extent, Mapanje. Steve Chimombo, Lesego Rampolokeng, Seitlhamo Motsapi and Zakes Mda convey a burlesque, transgressive style, which I discuss, drawing on Bakhtin, under the eading 'carnivalesque'. Chapter 3's emphasis on newspaper literature from Malawi reflects the importance of the form in contrast to South Africa where popular writing largely finds its main outlet in literary journals and magazines rather than in daily newspapers. Chapters 4 and 5 are related in their considerations of memory and searches for truth. In Chapter 4 Antjie Krog and Emily Mkamanga challenge the distinction between literary and factual chronicle in their woman-centred accounts of the past. The final chapter discusses two texts that are overtly literary, yet function in a mode of mourning and reflection, returning from the bustle of the present moment to a continuing, necessary reflection of the past which defines the new present. I conclude by suggesting that the comparative analysis is viable and enriching and that this study of literature from societies in transition demonstrates how poetry and fiction tell stories of history.
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Jeng, Amat. "GAMBIA’S DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION : A CASE STUDY OF THE ROLE OF POLITICAL ELITES IN DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-403220.
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Mack, Jennifer Shannon 1973. "Dockings : transitional housing for political refugees, Stockholm, Sweden." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/68390.
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Thesis (M.Arch.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Architecture; and, (M.C.P.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning, 2002.Includes bibliographical references (p. 157-161).
Inside its cocoon, a caterpillar changes slowly, transforming from one state of being to another over time, but always maintaining its fundamental essence and its origins. Similarly, a move from one place to another- whether by force or by choice, whether between nation-states or between cities-is a process of metamorphosis that happens individually for people with distinct and continuous identities. When they migrate, newcomers must learn the rules, both spoken and unspoken, that define and delineate the unfamiliar society; for refugees, any period of assimilation is also likely to include the need for recovery from involuntary losses and psychological traumas that may have been both the motivation for leaving and part of the journey. This is a process that takes emotion, energy, and, of course, time. This thesis understands this moment in the life of a migrant as one of extreme tension, and the cocoon's analogue- the physical space in which the transformation takes place- as the vessel in which it occurs. Through an examination of the government-distributed, transitional housing (genomgångsbostäder) for refugees living in Stockholm, Sweden, the thesis will clarify the psychological and social roles of this housing in the process of integration and illustrate the importance of its physical form to its successes and failures. The proposed strategy engages these questions and offers an alternative approach to their solution. The centerpoint of the proposal is the kitchen, where food, a vehicle for reproducing cultural memories, is prepared and initial social contacts are made. The project also seeks to activate its users- from the initial moment of moving in to the memories left behind when moving out-empowering them instead of creating dependencies. Finally, it attempts to establish ties between residents and outsiders by creating points of both concentrated and random interaction in semi-public and public spaces. As a transitional space, a rite of passage, and a place where regrounding can occur, the housing provides a temporary shelter and point of recovery from the vertigo of forced migration.
Jennifer Shannon Mack.
M.C.P.
M.Arch.
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Maguchu, Prosper Simbarashe. "Analysis of political corruption trends in transitional states." University of the Western Cape, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5397.
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Sum, Ngai-ling Ivin. "Towards political education for transition : the development of political studies in Hong Kong secondary school /." [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1985. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B1232002X.
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GARCÍA, MARÍA MILAGRO DE JESÚS ARÉVALO. "HONDURAS: POLITICAL TRANSITIONAL, TRANSITIONAL JUSTICE AND MEMORY, REGARDING THE TRAUMATIC PERIOD 1980-1993." PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIRO, 2018. http://www.maxwell.vrac.puc-rio.br/Busca_etds.php?strSecao=resultado&nrSeq=35113@1.
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PONTIFÍCIA UNIVERSIDADE CATÓLICA DO RIO DE JANEIROCOORDENAÇÃO DE APERFEIÇOAMENTO DO PESSOAL DE ENSINO SUPERIOR
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTS. DE ENSINO
PROGRAMA DE SUPORTE À PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO DE INSTITUIÇÕES COMUNITÁRIAS DE ENSINO PARTICULARES
Paralelo às transições do Cone Sul, a transição política para a democracia em Honduras iniciou no ano 1980 com um conjunto de caraterísticas singulares e atípicas que a distinguem do resto das transições do continente Latino-americano, visto que coincidiu com o período mais crítico de violação sistemática dos direitos humanos, incluindo desaparecimentos forçados, assassinatos e repressão política de mais de uma centena de cidadãos pertencentes aos movimentos sociais de esquerda e de oposição política. Em consequência, sob intensas lutas sociais, o dia 30 de agosto de cada ano é oficialmente reconhecido como o Dia Nacional dos Detidos-Desaparecidos em Honduras, em que centenas de pessoas se reúnem para exigir ao Estado que forneça os espaços pertinentes para reconhecer que em Honduras há desaparecidos políticos, assassinados e torturados. Diante desses acontecimentos, as perguntas que subjazem são: i) como podemos entender a relação entre os estudos e preceitos teóricos mais minimalistas das transições políticas para a democrática e essa lacerante contradição histórica ocorrida em Honduras? ii) é possível construir um futuro democrático sobre as bases de uma história negada e esquecida? Em razão desses questionamentos, decorre a necessidade e o grande desafio de desenvolver a presente pesquisa, referente à evolução da transição política e da memória em Honduras, relacionada ao passado traumático do período 1980-1993, visto que após mais de duas décadas da passagem das ditaduras militares e golpes de Estado para a democracia, percebem-se resquícios delatórios em sua estrutura atual, social e institucional.
Simultaneously with the Southern Cone transitions, the political transition to democracy in Honduras began in 1980 with a unique and atypical characteristics that distinguish it from the rest of the Latin American transitions, since it coincided with the most critical period of systematic violations human rights, including forced disappearances, murders and political repression of more than a hundred citizens belonging to leftist social movements and political opposition. Consequently, under intense social struggles, August 30 is officially recognized as the National Day of the Detained-Disappeared citizens in Honduras, where hundreds of people come together to demand that the State provide appropriate efforts to recognize that political disappeared, murdered and tortured have taken place in Honduras. In this regard, the questions that arise are: i) how can we understand the relationship between studies and the more minimalistic theoretical precepts of political transitions to democracy and this lacerating historical contradiction that occurred in Honduras? ii) is it possible to build a democratic future on the basis of a neglected and forgotten history? Due to these questions, the need and the great challenge of developing the present research, referring to the evolution of the political transition and memory in Honduras, related to the traumatic past of the 1980-1993 period, arises, since after more than two decades of the military dictatorships and coups d état for the democratic transition, there are vestiges in its current social and institutional structure.
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GonzaÌlez, GonzaÌlez Francisco Enrique. "The political economy of 'dual transitions' : economic liberalisation and political democratisation in Chile and Mexico, 1970-2000." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.410984.
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Kruger, Botha W. (Botha Willem). "Prenegotiation in South Africa (1985-1993) : a phaseological analysis of the transitional negotiations." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/55956.
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Thesis (MA) -- Stellenbosch University, 1998.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The perception exists that the South African transitional negotiations were initiated by events during 1990. This study challenges such a perception and argues that prior to formal contact there existed a crucial period of informal bargaining. This period, known as prenegotiation, saw members of the National Party government and the African National Congress (ANC) attempt to communicate in order to gauge the possibility of a negotiated settlement. By utilising a phaseological approach to bargaining/negotiation, this study analyses the transition in order to ascertain the structure and functions of South African prenegotiation. The following three negotiation phases are identified: bargaining about bargaining, preliminary bargaining and substantive bargaining. Both of the first two phases are regarded as part of prenegotiation. This study argues that the first phase started as early as 1985 under conditions of immense secrecy and stayed that way until its conclusion in 1990. Three different avenues of communication were established during this time. The first avenue existed between government officials and the imprisoned Nelson Mandela. Regular meetings were held in an attempt to create an understanding of what was needed to normalise South African politics. The second avenue operated mostly on international soil, through intermediaries, and became an indirect channel of communication between exiled ANC officials and officials in the government's National Intelligence Service. The third avenue consisted of independent efforts by extra-governmental role-players to establish communication with the exiled ANC leadership. All three avenues impacted differently on the negotiation process, yet all are regarded as part of the bargaining about bargaining phase. The second phase was initiated by F.W. de Klerk's opening of parliament speech in 1990. In this phase new negotiators came to the fore and it signified an ongoing attempt by the government and the ANC to establish a contract zone for substantive bargaining. Prominent agreements included the Groote Schuur Minute, the Pretoria Minute, the D.F. Malan Accord and the National Peace Accord. The establishment of a multi-party negotiating forum, Codesa, ended preliminary bargaining, but only temporarily. After deadlock occurred in May 1992 it became necessary to revert back to prenegotiation issues before further progress could be made. The bilateral discussions that ensued between the government and the ANC saw the most prominent bargaining relationships of the transition develop, notably between Roelf Meyer and Cyril Ramaphosa, and between Nelson Mandela and F.W. de Klerk. With the signing of the Record of Understanding and the establishment of the Multi-P~ Negotiating Process ·m1993, ~ ,--· .. . ~ ~-- prenegotiation came to an end. In focussing primarily on prenegotiation, this study attempts both to refine existing prenegotiation theory and to identify possible recommendations for other deeply divided societies. For the success of a negotiation process it is an imperative that lasting good faith and a workable contract zone are established prior to any form of substantive bargaining.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die opvatting bestaan dat die Suid-Afrikaanse oorgangsonderhandelinge geinisieer is deur gebeurtenisse tydens 1990. Hierdie stuC.:ie betwis so 'n opvatting en argumenteer dat 'n noodsaaklike tydperk van informele onderhandeling voor formele kontak bestaan het. Gedurende die voorafgaande tydperk, wat bekend staan as vooronderhandeling, het lede van die Nasionale Party regering en die African National Congress (ANC) gepoog om kommunikasiekanale daar te stel en sodoende die moontlikheid van 'n onderhandelde skikking te ondersoek. Deur van 'n fase-benadering tot onderhandeling gebruik te maak, analiseer hierdie studie die oorgangstydperk met die doel om die struktuur en funksies van Suid-Afrikaanse vooronderhandelinge te bepaal. Die volgende drie onderhandelingsfases word onderskei: onderhande/ing oor onderhandeling, voorlopige onderhande/ing, en substantiewe onderhandeling. Beide fases een en twee word beskou as deel van vooronderhandeling. Volgens hierdie studie het die eerste fuse so vroeg as 1985 onder uiters geheime omstandighede begin, en het dit so voortgeduur tot met die finalisering daarvan in 1990. Drie verskillende kommunikasiewee het ontstaan gedurende hierdie tydperk. Die eerste weg was tussen regeringsamptenare en die gevange Nelson Mandela. Gereelde ontmoetings is gehou in 'n poging om 'n verstandhouding te kweek oor wat nodig sou wees om Suid-Afrikaanse politiek te normaliseer. Die tweede weg het meestal op internasionale grondgebied afgespeel deur middel van tussengangers, en het 'n indirekte kommunikasiekanaal tussen uitgeweke ANC lede en amptenare van die regering se Nasionale Intelligensie Diens bewerkstellig. Die derde weg het bestaan uit ona:thanklike pogings deur rolspelers buite die regering om kominunikasie te bewerkstellig met die uitgeweke ANC-leierskap. Alhoewel die wee op verskillende vlakke die onderhandelingsproses beiinvloed het, word al drie as deel van die eerste fase beskou. Die tweede fase is ingelei deur F. W. de Klerk se parlementere openingstoespraak in 1990. In hierdie fase het nuwe onderhandelaars na vore getree en dit is gekenmerk deur 'n deurlopende poging van die regering en die ANC om 'n kontraksone vir substantiewe onderhandeling te skep. Prominente skikkings het ingesluit die Groote Schuur Minuut, die Pretoria Minuut, die D.F. Malan Verdrag, en die Nasionale Vredesverdrag. Die totstandkoming van 'n veelparty-onderhandelingsforum, Codesa, het die einde van voorlopige onderhandeling aangedu~ alhoewel slegs tydelik. Na 'n dooiepunt bereik is in Mei 1992 het dit noodsaaklik geword om terug te keer na voorlopige onderhandeling. Die daaropvolgende bilaterale ontmoetings tussen die regering en die ANC is gekenmerk deur die ontwikkeling van prominente onderhandelingsverhoudings, veral tussen RoelfMeyer en Cyril Ramaphosa, en tussen Nelson Mandela en F.W. de Klerk. Met die ondertekening van die Rekord van Verstandhouding en die totstandkoming van die Veelparty-onderhandelingsproses in 1993, het vooronderhandeling tot 'n einde gekom. Deur hoofsaaklik op vooronderhandeling te fokus, probeer hierdie studie om beide bestaande vooronderhandelingsteorie te verfyn, asook moontlike riglyne vir ander diepverdeelde samelewings te identifiseer. Vir 'n onderhandelingsproses om suksesvol te wees is dit noodsaaklik dat blywende goedertrou en 'n werkbare kontraksone tot stand gebring word voor die aanvang van enige vorm van substantiewe onderhandeling.
Centre for Science Development (HSRC, South Africa)
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Oh, Samgyo. "Politics of labor reform in post-transition Brazil : possibilities and limits of the labor reform in a conservative transition /." The Ohio State University, 1994. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487859879940273.
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Svensson, Mattias. "Ethnic Federalism and Political Transition : A study of private media opinions on ethnic politics, human rights and democracy in a changing Ethiopia." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-384802.
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Gentry, Matthew M. "Prospects for political transition in the Islamic Republic of Iran." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1999. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA374280.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1999."December 1999". Thesis advisor(s): Ralph Magnus, Terry D. Johnson. Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.
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Taylor, Ariel Judith Stapleton. "Cuba in transition : entrepreneurs, tourism and political compromise in Havana." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/36904.
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Since the early 1990’s Havana, Cuba has undergone considerable socioeconomic
transformation resulting from the legalization of some forms of private enterprise. Paladares,
Cuban owned and operated restaurants, have emerged in Havana as a significant industry,
fueled largely by both tourism and Havana’s second economy. The liberalization of Cuba’s
domestic economy has, in turn, impacted social and political ideologies, particularly among
Havana’s wealthiest paladar owners. Concerns and speculation about the future role of
Communism in the country have made the role of paladares increasingly problematic for
both researchers and political officials in the region. However, this research demonstrates
that more modest paladar owners attempt to mediate principles of socialism and capitalism
by largely acquiescing to stringent government regulations. Alternatively, their wealthy
counterparts engage openly in illicit business practices, often with near impunity from Cuban
officials now indentured to the financial dividends traded for toleration. This research spans
four neighbourhoods across Havana and draws on interview data gathered from nine paladar
owners and ten weeks of participant observation. This thesis argues that paladares are not
antithetical with ongoing social security and political stability for Cuban people and that
tourism along with the second economy it helps to enhance are themselves detrimental to
many of the gains championed by Cuba’s revolution.
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Al-Harthy, Abdullah Salim Hamed. "The political change in Oman from 1970 : transition towards democracy." Thesis, University of Hull, 2004. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:5795.
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The aim of this thesis is to study the political changes in Oman from 1970 with the focus on the transition towards democracy. The core issue is the change from the policy of the previous sultan, who banned the participation of the nation and oppressed it. This led the country to civil war, isolation and the end of the regime. The current sultan, who launched a coup against his father in 1970, adopted various changes in areas such as the economy, politics and infrastructure, and allowed the people to run the country. The important changes were the process of democratisation in Oman, which is discussed in the context both of democratic theory, and change in the South. The thesis will offer an overview of democratic political theory, an account of political change in the South in general, and in the Middle East region in particular. The focus on Oman will seek to answer three questions: when did the process of democratisation begin; why was it begun, and how has it been managed? The core of the argument will look at the creation of formal institutions of democracy, such as the Majlis Ash-Shura (Consultative Council), and the State Council, and informal institutions, such as the media, the Chamber of Commerce, the Businessmen's Council, Sablat Alarab (the Arab Council Web Site), and the role of leading individuals in the democratic debate. These changes led the current sultan to receive internal and extemallegitimacy. Omani citizens are now aware of the development in other parts of the world and they will force the current sultan to add further changes. He should respond positively in order to remain in power.
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Gray, Hazel Sophia. "Tanzania and Vietnam : a comparative political economy of economic transition." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2012. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/13610/.
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Lapar, Adrianne J. Marks Gary. "Las Dos Españas Spanish political nationalism since the democratic transition /." Chapel Hill, N.C. : University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008. http://dc.lib.unc.edu/u?/etd,2042.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 2008.Title from electronic title page (viewed Feb. 17, 2009). "... in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master in Arts in the Department of Political Science, concentration Transatlantic Studies." Discipline: Political Science; Department/School: Political Science.
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Freudenreich, Johannes. "Entschädigung zu welchem Preis? : Reparationsprogramme und Transitional Justice." Universität Potsdam, 2009. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2010/4813/.
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Transitional Justice bezeichnet staatliche Anstrengungen um vergangene Menschenrechtsverletzungen am Ende von Represionen aufzuarbeiten. Reparationszahlungen an die Opfer, die eines der Hauptinstrumente staatlicher Aufarbeitung darstellen können, blieben in der Transitional Justice-Literatur vergleichweise unerforscht.
Dieses Buch versucht diese Lücke zu schließen und fragt, warum manche Staaten solche Programme eingeleitet haben, während andere junge Demokratien darauf verzichteten. Dabei setzt sie Reparationszahlungen in den Kontext anderer Transitional Justice-Maßnahmen und greift gleichzeitig zwei Haupterklärungsansätze für gerichtliche Verfahren und Wahrheitskommissionen auf. In diesem Zusammenhang ist die Frage, inwieweit Transitional Justice aus moralischer Überzeugung oder aus taktischem Kalkül der neuen Eliten eingeleitet wurde. In dem die Arbeit diese Frage am Beispiel der Zahlung von Entschädigungsleistungen diskutiert, kann sie auch Aussagen darüber machen, wie valide die bestehenden Erklärungsansätze für Transitional Justice sind.
Anhand der südamerikanischen Regimewechsel in den 1980ern wird aufgezeigt, dass Reparationszahlungen oft zur Legitimation von Amnestien verwendet wurden. Wenn Täter und Opfer relativ starkes Drohpotential besaßen, versuchten Regierungen den Opfern durch Entschädigung entgegenzukommen um Amnestien für die Täter bei gleichzeitiger Anerkennung der Taten zu rechtfertigen. Entschädigungszahlungen wurden somit oft aus strategischen Erwägungen geleistet, was man bei der normativen Bewertung dieser Programme berücksichtigen sollte.Transitional justice refers to approaches that states use to address past human rights violations at the end of violence and repression. Providing reparations to victims, which can be understood as one of the main instruments of Transitional Justice, has so far received relatively little attention in the Transitional Justice literature. This book tries to fill this gap and asks why some states chose to implement reparation programs while others did not. Putting reparations into context this book adapts explanations for the realization of trials and truth commissions and asks whether they also hold for reparations. The main question is, whether state elites chose Transitional Justice mechanisms for moral or tactical reasons. Hence, by analyzing reparations this book can also help us to reappraise the validity of popular explanations for other Transitional Justice mechanisms. Studying the democratic transitions in South America in the 1980ies this book shows that reparations were often paid to justify amnesty decisions for the perpetrators. When perpetrators and victims posed a credible threat for the incumbents, they implemented reparation programs while crimes of the past went unpunished. In most cases reparations were paid due to tactical convenience rather than moral commitment, which should be considered when we evaluate the concept of reparations.
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Crome, Erhard. "Woher und wohin? : Zur Analyse der osteuropäischen Transition." Universität Potsdam, 1994. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2006/1100/.
Full textAbstract:
There has never been a theory of transition from really existing Socialism to a
democratic and market-oriented system. Different theoretical approaches are taken
into consideration by the author. Experiences of other transitional processes are
practicable on Eastern Europe in a limited way. The missing of socio-structural
differentiation, the socio-cultural consequences of the really existing Socialism and
the international conditions did not promote the transition. It seems that the transition
in Eastern Europe is obviously not a change from one political system to another
one, but for the time being an open process.
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Nochta, Timea. "Network governance and low-carbon transitions in European cities." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2018. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/8832/.
Full textAbstract:
The thesis investigates the role of governance networks in advancing sustainable energy transitions in the cities of Europe. By doing so, it aims to provide insights about the practical applicability of the Transition Management framework in different urban settings. Exploring this issue is timely as well as important due to parallel processes of the rising profile of cities in transition governance; and the perceived need in city authorities to develop new governance mechanisms to support low-carbon transitions on the urban scale. The main contribution to knowledge is the empirical evidence provided for the context-dependency of the connections between technological change required for urban low-carbon energy transitions and organisational change in local governance arrangements. The findings' consequence for theory is that the implicit assumptions built into Transition Management about the functioning of collaborative governance networks limit its applicability in different cities. The evidence collected through the study also highlights problems with scaling down the Multi-Level Perspective to the urban scale. The findings are derived from a comparative study of three cities from across Europe with diverse characteristics in terms of historical sustainability agenda development, locally relevant rationales for transitions, and patterns of organisational fragmentation and power-distribution in local governance arrangements.
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Park, Sun-Won. "The dynamics of triangular intra-alliance politics : political interventions of the United States and Japan towards South Korea in regime transition 1979-1980." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2000. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/4369/.
Full textAbstract:
The focus of this study is the political dynamics of the alliance relations between the United States, Japan and South Korea during the Cold War period. It proposes the concept of "triangular alliance security system" (TASS) as a new theoretical framework for the understanding of intra-alliance politics in Northeast Asia. It identifies the different perspectives on regional relations of the US, Japan and South Korea and it argues that the main operational principle of the US in its dealings with Korea at that time was active intervention to democratise the latter's polity, whilst the Japanese imperative was defensive intervention to preserve stability and the status quo. It also presents a new body of empirical facts concerning the US and Japanese interventions in South Korea's regime transition during 1979 and 1980, utilising primary materials from US, Japanese and South Korean sources and in-depth interviews with diplomatic actors and policy-makers. The empirical findings concerning Japanese intervention in the South Korean regime challenge conventional views of Japanese foreign policy. They suggest a much more active role for Japan in the emergence of the regime of Gen. Chun Doo-hwan, whilst the Carter administration was increasingly preoccupied with the Iran hostage crisis.