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1
Rose, Amanda. "Extraordinary politics in the Polish transition." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 32, no. 2 (June 1, 1999): 195–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(99)00008-2.
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Among the arguments for rapid economic reform in transitions to the market in Central and Eastern Europe, scholars have argued that rapid reformers could better take advantage of the period of ‘extraordinary politics’ at the beginning of the transition. Regime transitions provide a unique opportunity for politicians to implement economic reform since the public is more likely to grant the government room to reform. If the public is more likely to give politicians this window of opportunity, politicians should implement far-reaching reforms during that period. I test two propositions in this paper: (1) politicians in office during a period of liberalization will get high positive ratings at the polls which will gradually deplete over time; and (2) at the beginning of the transition, views of the current economic situation will not predict views of politics. I find that approval of the Polish government was unusually high in the first one and one-half to two years of the Polish transition. In the same period, assessments of the current economic situation only weakly affected assessments of politics. After the period of extraordinary politics comes to an end, the relationship between political and economic assessments is much stronger. Thus, in a country with a harsh economic reform program and six contentious national elections within eight years, there is strong evidence that politicians benefited from a period of extraordinary politics at the beginning of the regime.
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Hussain, Muhammad Akmal, and Prof Dr Javed Akhtar Salyana. "The Transition of Guided Democracy in Pakistan. A Study of Military Regimes." International Research Journal of Management and Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (March 31, 2022): 93–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.53575/irjmss.v3.01(22)10.93-106.
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Since its creation, Pakistan remains politically an unstable state. The emerging influence of the military as well as the bureaucracy has weakened the political institutions. On the other hand, the political parties, as well as the politicians, were the major ones responsible for the disruption in politics. The earlier demise of leadership (like Jinnah and Liaquat Ali) put Pakistan on the verge of chaos and anarchy. Due to the political unrest, the military finds a suitable place to intervene and fill that gap that was created by the political forces. Whenever the military enters the power corridor, they set some of their goals and agendas. To achieve these goals and agendas, legal assistance is required from the main pillar of the state, probably the judiciary. PCO and LFO are the various kinds of legislation that provide the military with a legal way to achieve these goals. After achieving these goals, the military seeks assistance from the political forces to enter the political arena and to prolong their rule politically. The military revives the political system but that political system is purely managed by the military forces as per the liking of the military ruler and that system is known as guided democracy.
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Lockwood, Matthew, Caroline Kuzemko, Catherine Mitchell, and Richard Hoggett. "Historical institutionalism and the politics of sustainable energy transitions: A research agenda." Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space 35, no. 2 (July 26, 2016): 312–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263774x16660561.
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Improving the understanding of the politics of sustainable energy transitions has become a major focus for research. This paper builds on recent interest in institutionalist approaches to consider in some depth the agenda arising from a historical institutionalist perspective on such transitions. It is argued that historical institutionalism is a valuable complement to socio-technical systems approaches, offering tools for the explicit analysis of institutional dynamics that are present but implicit in the latter framework, opening up new questions and providing useful empirical material relevant for the study of the wider political contexts within which transitions are emerging. Deploying a number of core concepts including veto players, power, unintended consequences, and positive and negative feedback in a variety of ways, the paper explores research agendas in two broad areas: understanding diversity in transition outcomes in terms of the effects of different institutional arrangements, and the understanding of transitions in terms of institutional development and change. A range of issues are explored, including: the roles of electoral and political institutions, regulatory agencies, the creation of politically credible commitment to transition policies, power and incumbency, institutional systems and varieties of capitalism, sources of regime stability and instability, policy feedback effects, and types of gradual institutional change. The paper concludes with some observations on the potential and limitations of historical institutionalism, and briefly considers the question of whether there may be specific institutional configurations that would facilitate more rapid sustainable energy transitions.
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Kemal, Maiftah Mohammed. "Ethnic-Based Party Systems, Culture of Democracy, and Political Transition in Africa: Challenges and Prospects for Political Transition in Ethiopia." Afrika Tanulmányok / Hungarian Journal of African Studies 13, no. 5. (January 20, 2021): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/at.2019.13.5.4.
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According to David Easton, “Politics involves change; and the political world is a world of flux, tensions, and transitions” (Miftah, 2019: 1). Ethiopia’s history of political transition fits the conceptualization of politics as changes and the political world as a world of flux. Political transition in Ethiopia has been dominantly tragic. Atse Tewodros II’s political career ended in the tragedy of Meqdela (1868), Atse Yohannes IV’s reign culminated in the ‘Good Friday in Metema’ (1889), while Menelik’s political career ended peacefully, and that of his successor, Iyasu, ended in tragedy before his actual coronation (1916). The emperor was overthrown in a coup in 1974, and Mengistu’s regime came to an end when he fled the country for Zimbabwe (1991). (Miftah, 2019) Thus far, revolutions, peasant upheavals, and military coup d’états have been political instruments of regime change in Ethiopia. What is missing in the Ethiopian experience of transition so far is the changing of governments through elections. This article discusses the challenges and opportunities for a political transition in Ethiopia using comparative data analysis and various presentation methods.
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Ibrahim, Jibrin. "Political Transition, Ethnoregionalism, and the “Power Shift” Debate in Nigeria." Issue 27, no. 1 (1999): 12–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700503047.
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The Nigerian military has been engaged in a program of transition to democratic rule since 1985. The country’s military rulers developed “transition politics” into a strategy of transitions without end, a ruse to prevent democratization. Hopefully, Nigeria is now at the crossroads. One of the most important issues posed in the transition has been the ethnoregional one: Would entrenched ethnoregional forces allow political power to shift from the North to the South? It is not a new question in Nigerian transition politics.Two broad issues surface when ethnoregional domination emerges as a political issue in Nigeria: control of political power and its instruments, such as the armed forces and the judiciary; and control of economic power and resources.
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Starck, Kathleen, and Russell Luyt. "Political Masculinities, Crisis Tendencies, and Social Transition: Toward an Understanding of Change." Men and Masculinities 22, no. 3 (June 20, 2018): 431–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1097184x18782730.
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This introduction to the special issue on “Political Masculinities and Social Transition” rethinks the notion of “crisis in masculinity” and points to its weaknesses, such as cyclical patterns and chronicity. Rather than viewing key moments in history as points of rupture, we understand social change as encompassing ongoing transitions marked by a “fluid nature” (Montecinos 2017, 2). In line with this, the contributions examine how political masculinities are implicated within a wide range of social transitions, such as nation building after war, the founding of a new political party in response to an economic crisis, an “authoritarian relapse” in a democracy, attempts at changing society through terrorism, rapid industrialization as well as peace building in conflict areas. Building on Starck and Sauer’s definition of “political masculinities” we suggest applying the concept to instances in which power is explicitly either being (re)produced or challenged. We distinguish between political masculinities that are more readily identified as such (e.g., professional politicians) and less readily identified political masculinities (e.g., citizens), emphasizing how these interact with each other. We ask whether there is a discernible trajectory in the characteristics of political masculinities brought about by social transition that can be confirmed across cultures. The contributors’ findings indicate that these political masculinities can contribute to different kinds of change that either maintain the status quo, are progressive, retrogressive, or a mixture of these. Revolutionary transitions, it seems, often promote the adherence to traditional forms of political masculinity, whereas more reformatory transition leaves discursive spaces for argument.
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Wahyuningroem, Sri Lestari. "Towards Post-Transitional Justice." Journal of Southeast Asian Human Rights 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2019): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/jseahr.v3i1.11497.
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When democratization took place in 1998 after three decades of authoritarianism in Indonesia, transitional justice became one of the agendas for the country. With the nature of compromised political transition, transitional justice brought together the interest of the elements who wished to challenge the repressive regime, and those who wished to distant themselves from the old regime in order to return to politics. As the result, transitional justice measures were successfully adopted in the beginning of political transition but failed to achieve its goals to break with the old regime and bring justice to victims. Today, after twenty years since reformasi, elements of the politics are consolidated, including those coming from the old regime. Transitional justice is undergoing a period I refer as “post transitional justice”. The main character of this state is the extensive roles of civil society. I argue in this paper that civil society, in particular the human rights groups, have important roles since the beginning of the transition in setting the agenda for transitional justice until today when state-centered mechanisms failed and led to post-transitional justice situation. These groups shift strategies to work from below and from the margins, which give strong character for post-transitional justice in Indonesia.
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Dr. Ayenew Birhanu Worku. "The Roles of Political Parties and Their Challenges in Political Transition: The Case of Ethiopia." PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 2, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 103–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v2i1.2915.
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The political parties of any country are expected to remain committed to the political and economic improvement of their country. As one of the main intermediaries between the state and citizens, one would therefore expect political parties to have a key role in achieving a democratic and peaceful transition. This article focuses on the contribution, actual or potential, of political parties to political transitions. The objective of this study is to examine the roles of political parties in ongoing reform efforts and the challenges they face in Ethiopia. The paper reports mainly on the findings of semi-structured interviews with local and national politicians carried out during 2020 as well as an analysis of political parties’ programs. This study indicates that political parties are the main agents of political representation, and play a crucial role in articulating and aggregating citizens’ demands in democracies. As such, this study argues that political parties have a major role to play in political transitions though, in Ethiopia, they have generally not lived up to expectations. The findings reveal that the very nature of transition and the prevailing character of political parties in Ethiopia have inhibited that role. The study concludes that the unpredictability of post-reform trends, a weak political culture, and inefficiency of political parties, which are in turn related to the nature of party systems, prompted political instability which in turn hampered the anticipated political transition in Ethiopia.
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Sarkorn, Suphan, Rattaphong Sonsuphap, and Pirom Chantaworn. "The political economy transition in a developing country." Corporate and Business Strategy Review 3, no. 2, special issue (2022): 339–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cbsrv3i2siart15.
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The current national economic and social development plan of the Lao People’s Democratic Republic (Lao PDR) aims to promote economic development, shift the structure of the economy for modern industry, and foster the growth of culture and society (Luangrath, 2019). This results in the economic transition from a centralised economy to a market economy. Consequently, the purpose of this study is to investigate the variables that influence such transitions and the resulting modifications. To achieve these goals, qualitative data analysis, and in-depth interviews were conducted. The results demonstrate that such transition depends on both external (the role of Laos, the influence of China, and the roles of international organisations) and internal factors (mechanisms of state ideology, economic reform, legislation and regulations, and the adaptation of the country’s leaders from one generation to the next). In response to the transitional economy, there are two essential changes, including capital groupings and state adjustments. The study proposes that investors interested in investing in Laos should research the country’s ideological mechanism, new economic reform policies, legislation and regulations, and economic transition history in depth since these are essential elements contributing to the economy in transition.
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Lee, Dalgon. "Local Government Reforms in Korea: A Transition from a Marionette Performance toward an Elementary Class Day." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 12 (December 31, 1997): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps12001.
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This paper deals with the recent reform-oriented measures in the area of national local policies. The just begun local autonomy in Korea now faces opportunities as well as serious challenges. The new developments are divided into four categories: 1) local politics and autonomy; 2) recent consolidation of local governments; 3) distribution of Government functions ; and 4) financial arrangement. The first section involves difficulties of independent local politics and local autonomy under strong culture of centralism. Local political elites are basically dependent upon the national politicians and the nomination as a candidate for local position is directly influenced by the central political machinery and national politicians. The last local election was severely hurt by national political issues. In addition, local animosities among several regions helped turn the political arrangement back to the old one, furthering the dependency of local politics. Nevertheless, it is evident that a new climate for autonomous governance in local society becomes high-spirited. The second section discusses the strength and weakness of the recent consolidation measures of local government which has been carried out nationwide. Majority of the lower - tier (basic) local governments' boundary have been expanded resulting in 230 local governments in number from 265. The upper-tier (widearea) local governments, whose number is 15, has readjusted their specific boundaries only. It may be claimed to facilitate managerial economies but technical efficiencies of specific local service delivery cannot be improved easily. To the worse, the consolidation cannot guarantee the healthy growth of local democracy. The third section deals with the bureaucratic struggle of government task redistribution after the introduction of local autonomy system. Because there is no clear principle of the division of labour between the three tiers of governments, bureaucratic politics takes larger share of the redistribution game. Although some tasks as been transferred to the local governments, the process seems very slow and the structure is not favorable to the local governments which are in weak position in the tug of war. The last section discusses the recent developments in the area of local tax, central-local financial coordination system in terms of central-local configuration. There are many skeptics who doubt whether local governments will have access to the administrative talents and financial resources essential to run the affairs of the country in truly decentralized way. In fact, there are relatively serious weaknesses in the financial management competence of local government officials. Decentralization advocates, however, assert that local financial resources should be expanded from the present 55% of total government sector money so that local governments carry out their present functions and tasks sufficiently.
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Mantilla, Luis Felipe. "Faith and experience." Party Politics 24, no. 4 (August 17, 2016): 370–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068816663035.
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How does a history of participation in secular authoritarian regimes shape the trajectory of religious political parties after transitions to democracy? This article examines the contrasting experiences of Catholic political parties in Latin America in order to assess whether and under what conditions pre-transition participation has a positive effect on post-transition electoral performance. It develops a theoretical account that emphasizes the relative costs and benefits of participation in secular authoritarian politics for religious parties. Empirically, it uses an original data set covering 22 Catholic parties that participated in 104 elections across Latin America as well as in-depth case studies of Mexico and Peru. It finds that Catholic parties that participated in authoritarian politics were more likely to emerge as significant players after transition, but that this effect is contingent on the competitiveness of the authoritarian regime.
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Nhemachena, Artwell, Tapiwa V. Warikandwa, and Nkosinothando Mpofu. "Worse Than “Bushmen” and Transhumance? Transitology and the Resilient Cannibalization of African Heritages." Journal of Black Studies 51, no. 6 (May 4, 2020): 503–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934720917572.
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Although Eurocentric scholars theorize the world in terms of Western evolutionary progress rather than de-evolutionary retrogression, this paper takes a different perspective. Forced to transition away from their tangible and intangible heritages, from their families and marriages, cultures, societies, polities, and economies in ways that legitimized imperial claims to res nullius (unowned resources) and terra nullius (empty land), some indigenous people wittingly and unwittingly increasingly devolved their heritages to the colonialists that benefited from the African transitions. The point here is that unlike “Bushmen” and those that practiced transhumance, contemporary Africans are forced to transition, to change and to transform away from owning and controlling their tangible and intangible resources, including land, culture, laws, religions, polities, economies, livestock, families, marriages, and so on. Whereas “Bushmen” and transhumance migrated and transitioned while retaining ownership and control over their land, forests, livestock, and so on, contemporary Africans are forced to transition in ways that divorce them from their families, marriages, cultures, religions, polities, and from ownership of their material resources. Because Eurocentric forms of transition put African institutions and resources on the chopping boards, we argue that this kind of transition is cannibalistic. Made to believe that transition is easier to accomplish without the supposed burden of repossessing ownership and control over one’s resources, Africans are witnessed as disinherited and wandering around the world arguably in ways that even precolonial “Bushmen” and transhumance pastoralists would not envy. There is no justice in “transitional justice” that transitions indigenous people from their heritages.
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Munck, Gerardo L. "Building Democracy . . . Which Democracy? Ideology and Models of Democracy in Post-Transition Latin America." Government and Opposition 50, no. 3 (April 30, 2015): 364–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2015.2.
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Politics in Latin America continued to be about democracy after the democratic transitions in Latin America in the 1980s and 1990s. An old concern – securing the minimal standard of democracy that had served as the goal of democratic transitions – remained relevant. But a new concern – the attainment of more than a minimal democracy – transformed politics about democracy. Actors who supported and opposed neoliberalism – the key axis of ideological conflict – advocated and resisted political changes in the name of different models of democracy. And the conflict overwhichmodel of democracy would prevail shaped Latin America’s post-transition trajectories, determininghowdemocracy developed and, in turn,whetherdemocracy endured.
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Praščević, Aleksandra. "The Applicability of Political Business Cycle Theories in Transition Economies." Zagreb International Review of Economics and Business 23, s1 (December 1, 2020): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/zireb-2020-0024.
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Abstract The paper focuses the applicability of political cycles theories in specific circumstances of economies in transition which are at the same time the new democracies. Economic and political transition in these countries change both people’s and politicians’ preferences, institutions and generate specific politically motivated misuse of economic policymaking. Theories of political cycles in macroeconomics have been developed since 1970s, when the fact that policymakers could use economic policy as an efficient tool for increasing their chances for reelection became obvious. In countries with parliamentary democracies, incentives of policymakers to influence election results could be opportunistically motivated (opportunistic models) or ideologically motivated (partisan models). On the other side, voters could be naïve or rational, with different economic outcomes, as argued in extensive political cycles literature. The paper studies specific political motives of politicians in transition economies which are faced, especially in first fazes of transition with weak institutional mechanism and rules, and naïve voters. Consequently, opportunistic motives dominate ideological ones. The paper also focuses how the development of the institutional environment, especially in the context of international integration, such as accession to the European Union, reflects on the political business cycles in these countries.
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Grigoryan, Arman. "The Karabakh conflict and Armenia's failed transition." Nationalities Papers 46, no. 5 (September 2018): 844–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2018.1438383.
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Despite its early promise, Armenia's transition to democracy has stalled. The literature on post-Communist transitions ascribes this outcome to the autocratic preferences of its first generation of leaders, and particularly the country's first president Levon Ter-Petrossian. I argue in this article that that literature depicts a profoundly distorted picture of the Armenian politics of the 1990s. The failure of Armenia's transition was primarily due to the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh and the political processes it set in motion.
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LEE, JONGKON. "The Instability of Korean Political Parties: Cue-givers and Cue-chasing Politicians." Japanese Journal of Political Science 15, no. 1 (February 10, 2014): 113–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109913000376.
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AbstractKorean political parties have been organizationally unstable for decades, even after 1987 when a democratic transition from authoritarian military-based politics was achieved. Many studies have argued that the instability has been caused by the Confucian culture of Korean politics. This paper suggests a different view of the political phenomenon: Korean party instability has been due to the ‘cue-chasing behaviors’ of self-interested politicians, rather than Confucian morality. This study examines the proposition with a historical exploration of Korean political parties between 1987 and 2012.
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SHEPSLE, KENNETH A. "The political economy of state reform - political to the core." Brazilian Journal of Political Economy 19, no. 3 (July 1999): 442–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-31571999-1090.
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ABSTRACT The reform of governmental institutions is presently quite salient as many countries struggle with transitions to democracy. It is a constant preoccupation of developing countries as well as of highly developed democracies like Great Britain. International organizations like the World Bank are especially interested in the prospects of political reform for jump-starting national economies currently languishing in poverty and slow growth. For many commentators on these issues, at the Bank and elsewhere, politics is the source of problems. Politics (and politicians) are held in disdain and reformers are encouraged to design schemes insulating economic policies from politics. This is wrong-headed. The present paper provides a political-economy framework in which political ambition figures prominently and yet a constructive attitude toward politics is accommodated.
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Wong, Joseph. "Democratization and the Left." Comparative Political Studies 37, no. 10 (December 2004): 1213–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414004269824.
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This article examines how democratic transition has shaped leftist politics in Taiwan, South Korea, Brazil, and Chile. On one hand, the new left has positioned itself differently in the two regions, specifically in terms of when the left emerged (or reemerged) onto the political scene and how it has organized politically. On the other hand, new left forces in both regions have moderated their political tactics and ideological demands. This article contends that the new left has had to adapt to new political contexts. Divergence in new left politics can be explained by variations in the pacing of democratic reform, the institutional basis of democratic breakthrough, and salient cleavage structures. Yet the imperatives of democratic competition—irrespective of the specific mode of transition—have compelled the new left in both regions to similarly moderate their political tactics and transformative demands.
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Coman, Mihai. "Book Review: Political Transition: Politics and Cultures." Anthropological Theory 5, no. 2 (June 2005): 209–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/146349960500500208.
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Harb, Mustafa. "Theoretical Framework of Democratic Transition: Mechanisms of Democratization." Grani 23, no. 6-7 (August 30, 2020): 55–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172065.
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Democratic transition from authoritarian rule has been an important focus of scholarly interest since 1970s. The democratic transition literature presented many concepts, theoretical arguments, methodological and analytical approaches to tackle with this phenomenon. This huge academic accumulation came in conjunction with what was called the third wave of democratization which started in the mid-seventies beginning from southern Europe, and extended during the decades of the eighties and nineties to include many countries around the globe. Democratic transition can be defined as a political process of establishing or enlarging the possibility of democratic participation and liberalization. This process reflects the redistribution of power between the state and the civil society. It is accompanied by the appearance of different centers of power and the introduction of the political debate. The article concentrates on the mechanisms which lead to the consensus between political actors which perform this democratic transformation. Democratic transition thus always requires a mechanism of negotiations, political talks, facilitating compromises between authoritarian politicians and democratic opposition and engendering a minimum level of trust between these parties. The strategy of political compromise has a major impact on the stability of society during the democratic transition period. This article addresses the concept of democratic transition alongside with general theories of democratization and the emergence of democratic transition studies. It focuses on some aspects in explaining the democratic transition theory. The negotiations, political talks and their impact on democratic transitions are also explored by the author. The article specifies the ways and methods through which the democratic transition is taking place in the global world.
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Choi, Joon Nak, and Ji Yeon Hong. "SOCIAL NETWORKS AS A POLITICAL RESOURCE: REVISITING THE KOREAN DEMOCRATIC TRANSITION." Journal of East Asian Studies 20, no. 1 (March 2020): 75–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2019.37.
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AbstractIn this paper, we study how political parties react to democratic transitions. We find that the structure of legislators’ social networks plays a critical role in shaping their political interactions during the transition period, and consequently, the post-transition party systems that emerge. We focus on the Korean case, where the incumbent authoritarian party merged with one of its pro-democracy opponents to create a powerful and enduring conservative party under democratic rule. Using a novel individual-level dataset on all legislative members during the transition, we find that the merger was facilitated by dense social networks linking members of the merged parties, which increased trust across the parties and reduced the difficulty of a merger. Conversely, we find that the paucity of ties linking pro-democracy parties hindered their long-term cooperation, despite their shared ideologies and policy goals. The study complements existing theories by providing a network-based explanation for the weakly institutionalized political party system that has characterized Korean politics since democratization.
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N'Diaye, Boubacar. "To ‘midwife’ – and abort – a democracy: Mauritania's transition from military rule, 2005–2008." Journal of Modern African Studies 47, no. 1 (February 18, 2009): 129–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x08003765.
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ABSTRACTThe 3 August 2005 military coup was Mauritania's best opportunity to turn the page on decades of the deposed quasi-military regime's destructive politics. This article critically analyses relevant aspects of the transition that ensued in the context of the prevailing models of military withdrawal from politics in Africa. It also examines the challenges that Mauritania's short-lived Third Republic faced. It argues that the transition process did not escape the well-known African military junta leader's proclivity to manipulate transitions to fulfil suddenly awakened self-seeking political ambitions, in violation of solemn promises. While there was no old-fashioned ballot stuffing to decide electoral outcomes, Mauritania's junta leader and his lieutenants spared no effort to keep the military very much involved in politics, and to perpetuate a strong sense of entitlement to political power. Originally designed as an ingenious ‘delayed self-succession’ of sorts, in the end, another coup aborted Mauritania's democratisation process and threw its institutions in a tailspin. This only exacerbated the challenges that have saddled Mauritania's political system and society for decades – unhealthy civil-military relations, a dismal ‘human rights deficit’, terrorism, and a neo-patrimonial, disastrously mismanaged economy.
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Bratton, Michael, and Nicolas van de Walle. "Neopatrimonial Regimes and Political Transitions in Africa." World Politics 46, no. 4 (July 1994): 453–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2950715.
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This article proposes revisions to the theory of political transitions by analyzing patterns of recent popular challenges to neopatrimonial rule in Africa. The approach is explicitly comparative, based on contrasts between Africa and the rest of the world and among regimes within Africa itself. Arguing against the prevalent view that transitions unfold unpredictably according to the contingent interplay of key political actors, the authors contend that the structure of the preexisting regime shapes the dynamics and sometimes even the outcomes of political transitions. They find that in contrast to transitions from corporatist regimes, transitions from neopatrimonial rule are likely to be driven by social protest, marked by struggles over patronage, and backed by emerging middle classes. Following Dahl, the authors compare African regimes on the basis of the degree of formal political participation and competition allowed. They find that regime variants—personal dictatorship, military oligarchy, plebiscitary one-party regime, and competitive one-party regime—are associated with distinctive transition dynamics. Whereas transitions from military oligarchies are typically managed from the top down and are relatively orderly, transitions from plebiscitary systems often occur discordantly through confrontational national conferences. A consolidated democracy is least likely to result from the abrupt collapse of a personal dictatorship and is most likely, though never guaranteed, from a graduated transition from a competitive one-party regime. In general, getting to democracy is problematic from all regimes that lack institutional traditions of political competition.
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Seyfi, Siamak, and C. Michael Hall. "Political transitions and transition events in a tourism destination." International Journal of Tourism Research 22, no. 4 (March 17, 2020): 493–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jtr.2351.
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Albert, Michael J. "The Climate Crisis, Renewable Energy, and the Changing Landscape of Global Energy Politics." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 46, no. 3 (August 2021): 89–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03043754211040698.
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Abstract This essay reviews three recent books on the changing landscape of global energy politics in the era of climate change. Key questions that the authors investigate include: how will the renewable energy transition reshape the global balance of power? How will political-economic interdependencies and geopolitical alignments shift? Will contemporary petro-states adapt or collapse? And what new patterns of peace and conflict may emerge in a decarbonized world order? The authors provide different perspectives on the likely speed of the energy transition and its geopolitical implications. However, they occlude deeper questions about the depth of the transformations needed to prevent climate catastrophe—particularly in the nature of capitalism and military power—and the potential for more radical perspectives on energy futures. In contrast, I will argue that we should advance a critical research agenda on the global energy transition that accounts for the possibility of more far-reaching transformations in the political-economic, military, and ideological bases of world politics and highlights diverse movements fighting for their realization. These possible transformations include (1) transitions to post-growth political economies; (2) a radical shrinkage of emissions-intensive military–industrial complexes; and (3) decolonizing ideologies of “progress.” If struggles for alternative energy futures beyond the hegemony of economic growth and Western-style modernization are at the forefront of radical politics today, then these struggles deserve greater attention from critical IR scholars.
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Maringira, Godfrey. "The Military Post-Mugabe." Journal of Asian and African Studies 56, no. 2 (March 2021): 176–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909620986586.
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This article argues that, through the coup, the military has become more visible in national politics in post-Mugabe Zimbabwe. The current situation under President Mnangagwa marks a qualitative difference with the military under Mugabe’s rule. Currently, in now being more prominent, the military is politics and is the determinant of any political transition that may be forthcoming in Zimbabwe. However, if it deems it necessary, the military accommodates civilian politicians into politics in order to ‘sanitize’ the political landscape in its own interests. Simultaneously, despite their involvement in the coup, ordinary soldiers feel increasingly marginalized under Mnangagwa’s government.
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Kaufman, Robert R. "Market Reform and Social Protection: Lessons from the Czech Republic, Hungary, and Poland." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 21, no. 1 (February 2007): 111–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325406297124.
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The countries of East Central Europe stand out as examples of the advantages of early and successful transitions to the market. Besides being early reformers, these countries also moved unusually quickly toward the establishment of broad social protection programs intended to cushion the shocks of the transition and to provide some longer-term protection against the uncertainties of the market economy. The success of these strategies has been uneven in terms of their impact on fiscal resources and their overall effect on the distribution of income. However, they must also be assessed in terms of the support they have generated for political and economic system among economically vulnerable but politically influential middle-class, blue-collar, and rural social sectors. In the countries of Central Europe, social transfers directed toward such groups have helped to win their acquiescence to painful adjustments and have facilitated longer-term support for democratic politics.
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Zamperini, Adriano, and Letizia Passarella. "Testimony of terrorism: Civic responsibility and memory work after a political massacre." Memory Studies 12, no. 6 (July 26, 2017): 721–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750698017720255.
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Despite the wide use of testimonies in collective memory of violent historical and political events, proper psychosocial studies addressing the process of becoming a testimony remain scarce. In the context of the massacre of Piazza della Loggia in Brescia, this study examines the biographical transition from victims to testimonies of people directly or indirectly involved in the event. Through the use of semi-structured interviews, 13 biographical stories were collected and analysed through qualitative methodology. Out of the four biographical transitions evinced by the results of this study and besides the scenario of a victim not becoming a testimony, the results highlight three different biographical transitions: the immediate transition from victim to testimony, transition as awareness, and transition as a process of knowledge. These three biographical transitions are summarized in three types of identity: ‘heroic testimony’, ‘civic testimony’ and ‘epistemic testimony’. The results are hence discussed in the light of the community practices of collective memory and psychosocial research on the testimonies.
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Ahn, So Yeon. "The Rise of Populism and Crisis of Democracy: The Case of Tunisia." Institute of Middle Eastern Affairs 21, no. 3 (December 31, 2022): 29–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.52891/jmea.2022.21.3.29.
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Initially igniting the Arab Spring, Tunisia is the sole participating country that managed to transition toward democracy. However, during the period of political transition since then, the economic crisis has increased. Under the mounting political grievance of Tunisian citizens, populism has risen, which usually emerges when democracy is in crisis. The Tunisian citizens elected current president Kais Saied as an alternative to established politics. However, as the president attempts to decrease the power of political parties, the future of democracy in Tunisia has become more fragile. This study examines the process of transitioning politically to democracy in Tunisia over the past 11 years and explores the current crisis through the lens of populism and democracy. The result confirms that Tunisian citizens’ political grievance stems from the economic crisis and not the transition to democracy. With this reasoning, if the current president cannot address citizens’ political frustration, conditions might enable a second Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia.
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El Issawi, Fatima. "Media Pluralism and Democratic Consolidation: A Recipe for Success?" International Journal of Press/Politics 26, no. 4 (June 8, 2021): 861–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/19401612211010480.
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The Tunisian political transition has succeeded in building a working, yet fragile governance beyond ideological and political divides. Political debate across media platforms has become open and dynamic, but the media–politics nexus thrives within a complex system of clientelism forged on shifting alliances between politicians and business tycoons, including recapture by agents of the former regime. The media–politics interplay is taking competitive and antagonistic forms, effectively exacerbating polarized conflicts. This paper reflects on the notions of hybrid media systems, agonistic pluralism, and civic culture, based on data collected in a focus group conducted in Tunis in May 2019 that brought together representatives from media, politics, and civil society complemented by interviews with leading journalists and media stakeholders. This paper argues that the relationship between media and politics is interdependent and marked by confrontation and adaption; the uncertainty of the transition is leading to a complex and volatile power struggle in which neither media nor politics have the upper hand in defining the terms of the game. This ambivalent relationship, taking place within a new system of clientelism, has had a mixed outcome on the process of democratic consolidation.
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Godwin, Onu, and Kolapo Quadri Abayomi. "Investigating the Legacies of Violence and Conflict in Transitional Justice and Peace." African Journal of Political Science 10, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 75–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/ajpsrasp.v10i1.1184.
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Violations of law, human rights abuse, and socio-economic and political grievances are legacies of violence and conflict-affected politics. In recent times, the aggravation of violence and conflict has hindered political development and instigated socio-economic grievances. Transitional justice and peace deal with human rights abuses, violation of rights, violence, and other grievances in societies in transition. One of the main focuses of transitional justice discourse is to engage human rights law for political stability, accountability, and peace in changes, as developed in the strict law practice. This research is descriptive and relies on secondary data. Thus, transitional justice and the rule of law are considered a framework for analysis in violence and conflict-affected politics as intertwined to promote post-violence and conflict or socio-economic and political stability. Therefore, various political actors have engaged in promoting the rule of law and the promotion of peace through security sector reform. With the focus on transitional justice, various processes have been considered through the promotion of rule of law, security, and accountability in the Niger Delta and the northeast of Nigeria that have been ravaged by insurgency, terrorism, violence, and conflict, and these processes have been supported and developed by an increasing number of actors at the national and international levels. Therefore, this paper investigates the socio-economic and political legacies of violence and conflict in transitional justice and peace and examines the interaction of transitional justice and the values of the rule of law in dealing with political tensions as shown in the cases of Boko Haram and Niger Delta. This paper recommends that transitional justice and the rule of law contribute to peace and post-conflict recovery for socio-economic and political grievances resulting from violence and conflict.
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Thurner, Mark. "Peasant Politics and Andean Haciendas in the Transition to Capitalism: An Ethnographic History." Latin American Research Review 28, no. 3 (1993): 41–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0023879100016952.
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In the Andean field, social scientists and historians have only recently begun to ask “how peasants make politics” (Montoya 1986) or how they have “engaged their political worlds” (Stern 1987, 9). In the past, Andean peasants were frequently viewed as living outside politics or as being sporadic players at best on the stage of politics—albeit as reactive or perhaps millenarian rebels aligned against the state. When peasants did make a political showing, they were inevitably represented by the tactically mobile “middle peasantry” or independent smallholders (see Wolf 1969). In contrast, “traditional” estate peasants (service tenantry) were characterized as relatively passive, “prepolitical” victims. Further along the path of historical development and social differentiation, it was generally held, these same “prepolitical” peasants were brought into the post-feudal world of “modern political movements,” where they were soon endowed with “political consciousness” (see Hobsbawm 1959). In probing the ambiguous but historically significant “middle ground” between these extreme and rather static images of “politically modern” peasants and “prepolitical victims,” this article will raise a different set of questions. The middle ground can be found at the intersection of Herrschaft (domination) and Gemeinschaft (community) on the Andean hacienda in capitalist transition. Analysis of this middle ground reveals a highly contested terrain where the idioms of peasants' everyday political agency resound. This resonance from below, however, presents interpretive as well as political ambiguities.
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Kirschke, Linda. "Informal repression, zero-sum politics and late third wave transitions." Journal of Modern African Studies 38, no. 3 (September 2000): 383–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00003396.
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Transitions to multiparty politics occurred throughout Sub-Saharan Africa with remarkable speed in the early 1990s, linking the region to the broader ‘third wave of democratisation’ which, from 1974, progressively marked many areas of southern Europe, Latin America and post-communist Europe. Unlike most earlier cases of political reform, however, the changes in Sub-Saharan Africa demonstrated a strong external orientation. A unique combination of donor pressure, internal opposition and ‘snowballing’ led regimes to rapidly introduce multiparty politics regardless of whether ruling elites in fact supported democratisation. The particular constraints surrounding these transitions place much of Sub-Saharan Africa at high risk of civil violence. Drawing on the cases of Cameroon, Rwanda and Kenya, this article argues that, during transitional periods, the greater the conflict between ruling elites and opposition forces, and the greater the pressure which regimes face to proceed with reform, the greater the likelihood that states will sponsor ‘informal repression’, covert violations by third parties, to regain political control.
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Maserumule, Mashupye H. "Politics of Transition in South Africa and the Post-1994 Democratic State." Journal of Asian and African Studies 47, no. 3 (June 2012): 301–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909611428056.
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The historicity of the liberation movements in South Africa is a subject of contestation. This is because their contributions to the post-1994 democratic state is interpreted and understood differently. Often this is influenced by the side of the political stratum of a historian. This article adds to such contestation, but not on political grounds. It is framed on scholarly terms. This article examines the politics of transition in South Africa and determines whether the much bandied about concept of a ‘developmental state’ has any linkages to it. The reason for this is that the concept is used lately as a defining character of South Africa’s post-1994 democratic state. The driving puzzle in the discourse is systematically addressed in the context of the theory of the politics of transition and the evolution and application of the concept of a ‘developmental state’ in the political thinking of the African National Congress (ANC). The article argues that the concept is unrelated to the politics of transitions which, instead, were more focused on building a democratic state rather than a ‘developmental state’ in South Africa. It concludes that it is inappropriate to characterize South Africa’s post-1994 democratic state as a developmental state because it is a long way from that.
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Steuernagel, Marcos. "Here We Are Again: Performing the Temporality of the Brazilian Transition." TDR/The Drama Review 61, no. 4 (December 2017): 9–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram_a_00712.
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In 2011, Brazilian theatre group Ói Nóis Aqui Traveiz staged an environmental production of Ariel Dorfman’s play Widows on an island that held political prisoners during the country’s military regime. In Viúvas-Performance sobre a ausência, Ói Nóis Aqui Traveiz, one of the most politically engaged theatre groups in the country, discloses relationships between disappearance, memory, and resistance in both politics and performance.
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Pleines, Heiko. "The Political Role of Business Magnates in Competitive Authoritarian Regimes." Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 60, no. 2 (November 26, 2019): 299–334. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2019-3001.
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Abstract This contribution examines the role of business magnates (“oligarchs”) in political transitions away from competitive authoritarianism and towards either full authoritarianism or democracy. Based on 65 cases of competitive authoritarian regimes named in the academic literature, 24 historical cases with politically active business magnates are identified for further investigation. The analysis shows that in about half of those cases business magnates do not have a distinct impact on political regime change, as they are tightly integrated into the ruling elites. If they do have an impact, they hamper democratization at an early stage, making a transition to full democracy a rare exception. At the same time, a backlash led by the ruling elites against manipulation through business magnates makes a transition to full autocracy more likely than in competitive authoritarian regimes without influential business magnates.
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Teule, Herman G. B. "Christians in Iraq: The Transition from Religious to Secular Identity." International Journal of Asian Christianity 1, no. 1 (November 1, 2018): 11–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25424246-00101002.
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In the Middle Eastern societies, Christians traditionally define themselves as religious communities or churches. This is a continuation of the Ottoman millet system, where religion determined the place one had in society and the patriarch was responsible for the insertion of his community into the state. It not only preserves the traditional ecclesiastical divisions based on dogmatic divergences and church politics but also transposes them to the political field.For a few decades, many lay politicians in Syria considered this system as detrimental to Christian interests. They developed the idea of a common ethnic identity for all churches using Syriac. New political circumstances in Iraq made it possible to give a political translation of this idea by the creation of Christian political parties, defending common ethnic minority rights. Despite some positive results, attempts at creating unity failed, not only because a lack of unanimity about certain political choices but also about the idea of ethnic identity itself.
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Bova, Russell. "Political Dynamics of the Post-Communist Transition: A Comparative Perspective." World Politics 44, no. 1 (October 1991): 113–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010425.
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This article makes a case for viewing the politics of regime transition in communist states as a subcategory of the more generic phenomenon of transition from authoritarian rule. Drawing on case studies from Latin America and Southern Europe and from the more theoretical literature on postauthoritarian transitions that those cases have generated, the article reexamines the politics of reform in the Gorbachev-era USSR. This comparative approach shows that the dynamics of the liberalization process in the USSR adhere to a model of political change previously manifested in other parts of the world. Specifically, it provides a clearer understanding of the initial vitality and subsequent disintegration of Gorbachev's centrist reform program, as well as a new perspective from which to reevaluate Gorbachev's often-criticized program of regime democratization.
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Fewsmith, Joseph. "Institutions, Informal Politics, and Political Transition in China." Asian Survey 36, no. 3 (March 1, 1996): 230–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2645690.
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Fewsmith, Joseph. "Institutions, Informal Politics, and Political Transition in China." Asian Survey 36, no. 3 (March 1996): 230–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1996.36.3.01p0114e.
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Cheng, Joseph Y. S., and Jane C. Y. Lee. "The Changing Political Attitudes of the Senior Bureaucrats in Hong Kong's Transition." China Quarterly 147 (September 1996): 912–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000051857.
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The empirical study of bureaucrats in the Hong Kong government, particularly in their relationship with politicians in the legislature, is a relatively new subject of academic interest. This effort at systematic research is related to the fact that both senior civil servants and politicians are essential to effective government. While senior civil servants in Hong Kong have dominated the political process in the territory for 150 years, politicians have gained importance since the People's Republic of China (PRC) and Britain signed the Joint Declaration on the future of Hong Kong in 1984. It follows that the relationships between these two leadership groups are of great interest, theoretically, empirically, practically and politically. The key problem of any government is how these elite groups interact. A major concern is maintaining an efficient and able bureaucracy with enough independence to do an effective job of administration, while operating in a political context in which politicians are competitive and accountable to the electorate, reacting to the constant demands and expectations of special and general interests. The maintenance of a proper balance between efficiency and responsiveness in such an environment has to be achieved if the polity is to function effectively and be stable
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Marszałek-Kawa, Joanna, and Patryk Wawrzyński. "Remembrance, Identity Politics and Political Transitions: a Comparative Study." Polish Political Science Yearbook 45 (December 1, 2016): 11–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2016001.
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Dabrowski, Marek. "The Arab and post-communist transitions: Similarities, differences, and common lessons." Acta Oeconomica 66, no. 2 (June 2016): 181–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/032.2016.66.2.1.
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At the onset of the mass protests in 2010–2011, many politicians and experts suggested that Arab countries could learn from the experiences of the post-communist transition of the early 1990s. However, the geopolitical, historical, and socio-economic context of the Arab transition was different in many respects from that of the former Soviet bloc countries 20 years earlier. These differences became even more obvious five years later, in early 2016, when most Arab transition attempts ended either in a new wave of authoritarianism, or protracted bloody conflicts. Nonetheless, there are some common lessons to be learnt from the history of both transitions. They concern interrelations between the political and economic transition, the role of institutional checks and balances and the rule of law, the speed of reforms, the dangers of ethnic and sectarian conflicts, and the role of external support.
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Aguilera, Isabel M., and Sandra Vera Gajardo. "Transición política y gastrodiplomacia en Chile. Reconciliarse en la mesa." Revista Austral de Ciencias Sociales, no. 41 (2021): 29–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.4206/rev.austral.cienc.soc.2021.n41-02.
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George, Nicole. "Conflict transition, emplaced identity and the gendered politics of scale in Solomon Islands." Cooperation and Conflict 55, no. 4 (November 26, 2020): 518–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836720954476.
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Although there is growing recognition that women’s participation is critical for the durability of peaceful conflict transition, grounded research examining the political scale of women’s participation has not been common. Where feminist researchers have tackled this topic, they have generally reproduced binary representations of political space, sometimes strongly critical of local spaces as restrictive of women, sometimes strongly critical of a hegemonic liberal international. In this article, I address the issue of women’s participation in conflict transition governance from another more ethnographic angle, drawing from fieldwork conducted in the Solomon Islands, a Pacific Islands country destabilised by conflict in the late 1990s and early 2000s. I apply theories of political scale to consider where and how women are politically active in the conflict transition environment, how that political activity is constituted relative to other political scales and where and how women seek to make their political ambitions understood. The ‘emplacement’ lens I develop offers a critical vantage point for analysis of the ways women constitute political identities and the agendas they might meaningfully progress, at scales ranging from the small worlds of the household and the community to the broader scale of national politics.
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Kang, David C. "Bad Loans to Good Friends: Money Politics and the Developmental State in South Korea." International Organization 56, no. 1 (2002): 177–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081802753485179.
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Why has the literature on Asian development not addressed the issue of money politics in South Korea? How can we reconcile the view of an efficient developmental state in South Korea before 1997 with reports of massive corruption and inefficiency in that same country in 1998 and 1999? Politics is central to the answer. In this study I make two arguments. First, money politics was extensive in South Korea both during and after the high-growth era. Second, political—not economic—considerations dominated policymaking. This study explains both past and present and compares the patterns of money politics in the early post-independence era with those that arose after the democratic transition in 1987. While during the Park era a balance of power between businessmen and politicians kept corruption from spinning out of control, the transition to democracy altered the basic business-state relationship, allowing business to exert greater influence over policy decisions. The political hypothesis advanced in this study suggests a new direction for our research about the developmental state.
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Carolan, Gene. "Transition Without Transformation: The Legacy of Sudan’s Comprehensive Peace Agreement." International Journal of Transitional Justice 14, no. 2 (June 12, 2020): 340–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijtj/ijaa010.
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Abstract In recent years, the transitional justice framework has expanded to include a broader notion of transformative justice, which strives for socio-political reform in addition to legal accountability. Over the course of two civil wars, Sudan has grappled with various attempts at transition and transformation with mixed results. Though the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement brought an end to decades of North–South conflict, South Sudan’s subsequent descent into civil war has been characterised by a flawed transition and a lack of any immediate transformative potential. This paper analyses the Comprehensive Peace Agreement’s transitional mechanisms. In doing so, it explores how certain mechanisms frame the ‘meta-conflict’ about what the conflict is about, and how this can cut off a range of conflict resolution opportunities. It concludes by considering the legacy of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in contemporary Sudan and South Sudan, and how it might inform the prospective transitions in both countries.
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Varentsova, O. V. "Three Waves of Populism in Latin America." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 6(39) (December 28, 2014): 153–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-6-39-153-160.
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Contemporary political regimes in Venezuela and Bolivia led by late Hugo Châvez (now by his successor Nicolas Maduro) and Evo Morales are considered by foreign and Russian scholars as part of the third wave of populism. In the 20th century Latin America already witnessed two waves of populism which coincided with significant political transitions, namely a transition from oligarchy to mass politics accompanied by implementation of import substitution industrialization policies, and a transition from authoritarian rule to democracy during the third wave of democratization which triggered neoliberal reforms inspired by Washington Consensus. This article presents common characteristics of Latin American populist regimes that emerged in different historical periods which help identify the origins as well as distinctive features of Venezuelan and Bolivian political regimes. It is stated that the Châvez and Morales left populist regimes resemble classic populist regimes in that they rely on incendiary anti-establishment discourse. Therefore, left populist regimes are characterized by high levels of polarization as well as weak institutionalization and class or indigenous orientation. Election of left populist leaders may lead to institutional deadlock, uneven playing field and transition to competitive authoritarianism.
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Mangcu. "Retracing Nelson Mandela through the Lineage of Black Political Thought." Transition, no. 112 (2013): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/transition.112.101.
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Berman, Chantal. "When Revolutionary Coalitions Break Down: Polarization, Protest, and the Tunisian Political Crisis of August 2013." Middle East Law and Governance 11, no. 2 (November 24, 2019): 136–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763375-01102003.
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Revolutionary coalitions often break down in the aftermath of revolution, leading to the collapse of transitional governments. Fragmentation among revolutionary elites has been extensively theorized, but few works consider the origins and consequences of polarization among non-elite protesters in the revolutionary coalition. This paper examines the case of Tunisia to unpack how polarization among former revolutionaries may drive secondary waves of mobilization that imperil governing coalitions, even when elites are cooperating. Unique protest surveys of pro- and anti-government demonstrations during the Tunisian political crisis of 2013 – which catalyzed the resignation of the country’s first elected assembly – show that polarization within this coalition occurred along ideological lines concerning the role of Islam in governance but not along class lines, as some theories of transition would predict. Revolutionaries are re-mobilized in part through divergent narratives concerning which social groups participated most in the revolutionary struggle, and which groups suffered and profited most under the old regime. This paper counters the elite-centrism of predominant “transitology” approaches by highlighting how protest politics may shape institutional transitions.