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Journal articles on the topic 'Rome History Republic'

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1

Frier, Bruce W., Mary Beard, and Micheal Crawford. "Rome in the Late Republic." American Historical Review 92, no. 1 (February 1987): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1862802.

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2

Patterson, John R. "The City of Rome: From Republic to Empire." Journal of Roman Studies 82 (November 1992): 186–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/301291.

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This survey article — the first in a new series to be published in the Journal of Roman Studies — is an attempt to review developments in the study of the city of Rome since 1980: a decade which can reasonably be seen as one of the most exciting in this field for a century, in terms not only of the archaeological discoveries and other related research taking place in Rome itself, but also of the increasing integration of the topographical and monumental history of the city of Rome into what might be termed ‘mainstream’ Roman history.
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3

Stewart, Roberta, and Fergus Millar. "The Crowd in Rome in the Late Republic." American Historical Review 104, no. 4 (October 1999): 1359. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2649690.

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4

Osborne, Robin, and Caroline Vout. "A Revolution in Roman History?" Journal of Roman Studies 100 (June 28, 2010): 233–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435810000067.

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Whether or not Syme made a convincing case for revolution at Rome, his Roman Revolution did not effect a revolution in Roman history. To be sure, his choice of where to start and where to end his discussion was unorthodox (if orthodoxy was the old edition of the Cambridge Ancient History or Rice Holmes or the periodization of Oxford Greats), but his relentless focus on individual political actors and their relations with one another differs from the emphasis of earlier scholars only in its priorities and intensity. Whether or not Wallace-Hadrill makes a convincing case for revolution at Rome, Rome's Cultural Revolution is revolutionary. To be sure, the individual parts of the book have been variously anticipated in particular studies, but the insistence that what happens in the history of buildings, instrumentum domesticum, dress, and monuments constitutes not simply the background to a political story, but is itself the story of Late Republican Rome — in W.-H.'s own words ‘that the political transformation of the Roman world is integrally connected to its cultural transformation’ (xix) — challenges the assumptions on which Roman historians have built the history of the Republic ever since Asinius Pollio.
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5

Arena, Valentina. "Between Rhetoric, Social Norms, and Law: Liberty of Speech in Republican Rome." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 37, no. 1 (January 17, 2020): 72–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340258.

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Abstract Although modern Republicanism, which highly values the right of freedom of speech, finds its inspiration in the historical reality of the Roman Republic, it seems that in the course of the Republican period citizens shared a recognised ability to speak freely in public, but did not enjoy equal status with one another in the domain of speech as protected by law. Of course, Republican Rome knew laws regulating free speech and perhaps even later provisions had been passed concerning iniuria. However, in these cases, as later on under Augustus, these measures acted as means of restraint and inhibition and did not directly address the right of the individual to speak freely. The fundamental question this paper addresses is why, in the course of the Republic, the right to speak freely was not protected by law and never came to be recognised as a formalised subjective right in Republican Rome. The answer, I argue, lies in the fact that in Rome speaking freely was conceived as the positive moral quality that characterised a natural ability of human beings, and thereby it could not have provided a field of legislation. It follows that the Roman Republic would not have passed the ‘straight talk test’ that modern Republicanism requires for the establishment of a free and just society. However, Republican Rome invites us to think about liberty of speech as belonging to the realm of ethics: as a moral quality sustained by contemporary social norms, not subject to legislation, which inevitably ends up protecting the interests of a group or groups and their specific speech regimes.
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6

Santangelo, Federico. "PRIESTLYAUCTORITASIN THE ROMAN REPUBLIC." Classical Quarterly 63, no. 2 (November 8, 2013): 743–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838813000220.

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Some of the best recent work on Roman priesthoods under the Republic has engaged with the issue of priestly authority and its role in defining the place of priesthoods vis-à-vis other centres of power, influence and knowledge. The aim of this paper is to make a contribution to this line of enquiry by focussing on the concept of priestlyauctoritas, which has seldom received close attention. The working hypothesis is that the study of priestlyauctoritasmay contribute to a broader understanding of the place of priesthood in Republican Rome, and especially in the Late Republican period, from which most of the evidence derives. The link between religious authority and religious expertise requires special attention.
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7

Rosillo-López, Cristina. "The Consilium as Advisory Board of the Magistrates at Rome during the Republic." Historia 70, no. 4 (2021): 396. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/historia-2021-0015.

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8

WISEMAN, T. P. "POLITICS AND THE PEOPLE: WHAT COUNTS AS EVIDENCE?" Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies 60, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 16–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/2041-5370.12045.

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Abstract This contribution vindicates Fergus Millar's argument in The Crowd in Rome in the Late Republic (1998) against critics who assume a priori that the republic was always and necessarily a hierarchical society ruled by an oligarchy, and that the populus Romanus had no time for politics and no interest in it. The method followed is traditionally empirical. Close attention is paid to the primary evidence and what it implies, in order to test two hypotheses: that in late-republican Rome the ludi scaenici were the occasion for popular politics, and that stage performances may have influenced later historians' political narratives.
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9

Komar, Paulina. "Wine Imports and Economic Growth in Rome Between the Late Republic and Early Empire." Historia 70, no. 4 (2021): 437. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/historia-2021-0016.

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10

Morley, Neville. "Edward J. Watts. Mortal Republic: How Rome Fell into Tyranny." American Historical Review 125, no. 3 (June 1, 2020): 1074–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhz788.

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11

Feola, Vittoria. "Paris, Rome, Venice, and Vienna in Peter Lambeck’s Network." Nuncius 31, no. 1 (2016): 107–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18253911-03101005.

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This article considers, first, the roles of Paris, Rome, Venice, and Vienna in the network of Peter Lambeck, the librarian of the Hapsburg emperor Leopold I, and, secondly, Lambeck’s and Vienna’s own places in the Republic of Letters during the period 1662–1680. It begins with a biographical account, in which I situate Lambeck both geographically and intellectually. The importance of Paris is contrasted with his not so positive experience in Rome. Secondly, I focus on Lambeck’s declaration of intent to link Vienna to the Republic of Letters. Thirdly, I survey the eminently Venetian networks through which Lambeck tried to fulfil his intellectual goals. The tensions between France and the Habsburg Empire crashed against Lambeck’s idealistic aims. This raises the issue of the impact of geo-politics on the production and circulation of knowledge in early modern Europe, and prompts questions about openness and secrecy in the Republic of Letters.
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12

Lapyrenok, Roman. "The Political and Economic Origins of the Roman Revolution." Journal of Economic History and History of Economics 22, no. 2 (June 7, 2021): 222–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-2488.2021.22(2).222-245.

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The paper considers some economic and legal aspects of the struggle for the public land in Late Republican Rome. This period is one of the most controversial in ancient history; it brought many significant changes to the socio-economic and political life of Rome and contributed much to its transformation from Republic to Principate. Nevertheless, there is no special paper examining the competition between the Romans and Italians for the ager publicus populi Romani which started with the agrarian reform of Tiberius Gracchus in modern historiography. The first episode ended after the enactment in 111 B.C. of the lex agraria, when a large amount of public land was brought into private hands by its Roman possessors. A further part of the ager publicus populi Romani was still public and remained in hands of the socii. The logic of historical process, the economic changes of the second century B.C. which led Rome from Republic to Principate, demanded the formation of a new class of landowners. The latter would be the basis of the political system of the Roman Empire instead of the nobilitas; its political power would be based on private ownership of land. This was impossible without the full privatization of public land, and it is logical that the struggle for the ager publicus populi Romani was not ended in 111 B.C. Only after privatization of that land, which was possessed by the allies, the agrarian question in Rome could be fully resolved. The latter problem is of crucial importance for the further history of Rome, because it not only caused the Social War but also radically changed both the social structure and the political balance within Roman society during the last decades of the Republic.
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Ceglarska, Anna. "Historia rozwoju Republiki Rzymskiej według Polibiusza." Krakowskie Studia z Historii Państwa i Prawa 6, no. 2 (2013): 85–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844131ks.13.007.1462.

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History of the rise of the Roman Republic as described by Polybius The aim of this article is to refer Polybius’s political theory, included in Book VI of The Histories, to the history of the rise of the Roman Republic. This theme must have been particularly significant for Polybius. For him, Rome was the most perfect example of a mixed government system, and the aim of describing its history was to show the development of this perfect system. The article presents the mutual relation of theory and history, starting with the period of kingship, up to the emergence of the democratic element, i.e. the moment when Rome acquired the mixed system of government. Both the political and social contexts of the changes are outlined. The analysis suggests that Polybius related his political theory to the history of the state he admired, thus providing the theory with actual foundations. Reconstructing his analysis makes it possible to see the history of Rome in a different light, and to ponder the system itself and its decline, even though the main objective of both Polybius and this article is to present its development.
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14

Ambrosio, Renato. "A REPÚBLICA DE FLORENÇA COMO A SEGUNDA ROMA REPUBLICANA NA 'INVECTIVA IN ANTONIUM LUSCHUM VICENTINUM' DE LINO COLUCCIO SALUTATI | THE REPUBLIC OF FLORENCE AS THE SECOND REPUBLICAN ROME IN THE 'INVECTIVA IN ANTONIUM L. VICENTINUM' OF LINO C. SALUTATI." Estudos Linguísticos e Literários, no. 55 (December 1, 2016): 270. http://dx.doi.org/10.9771/2176-4794ell.v0i55.17967.

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<p>Lino Coluccio Salutati, humanista e chanceler da República de Florença por mais de trinta anos, foi o primeiro humanista a ligar Florença à Roma republicana. Ele estabeleceu essa ligação não apenas como exercício de erudição humanística, mas, sobretudo, com objetivos políticos em um delicado momento da história e da política externa da sua república. Essa ligação estabelecida por Salutati é, ao mesmo tempo, fruto do restabelecimento dos estudos acerca da história, literatura e cultura da Antiguidade Clássica iniciado por Francesco Petrarca, de quem Salutati foi discípulo. Esse foi um dos momentos cruciais desse processo de restauração dos <em>studia humanitatis </em>que deixou marcas duradouras tanto nos estudos humanísticos como na história política da República de Florença e no pensamento político moderno. </p><p><strong>Abstract:</strong> <em>Lino Coluccio Salutati, humanist and chancellor of the Republic of Florence for over thirty years, was the first humanist to link Florence to Republican Rome. While this link was made partly as an exercise in the humanistic erudition, it was made mainly for political purposes during a delicate moment in foreign politics in the Florentine Republic. The connection established by Salutati between Florence and Republican Rome is the result of the return to the study of history, literature and culture of classical antiquity started by Francesco Petrarch, of whom Salutati was a disciple. This connection was also one of the critical moments in the process of the restoration of </em>studia humanitatis<em>, which left a lasting mark not only in humanistic studies but also in the political history of the Florentine Republic and in modern political thought</em>.</p>
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15

Konyukhov, Vladimir A. "Agrarian Law 111 BC e. as a historical source." RUDN Journal of World History 12, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 390–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2020-12-4-390-398.

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The article treats of one of the most important monuments of Republic Rome history - the epigraphic agrarian law 111 BC. The purpose of this source-studying paper is an integrated characteristic of this monument as an historical source. The author describes the monument externally, shows the history of its reconstruction, raises the issue of its attribution, and assesses its relevance as a source on a number of aspects of the life of Ancient Rome.
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16

Allerfeldt, Kristofer. "Rome, Race, and the Republic: Progressive America and the Fall of the Roman Empire, 1890-1920." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 7, no. 3 (July 2008): 297–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400000736.

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Ancient Rome is a powerful metaphor in the western imagination. It is very much alive today. The Roman Republic inspires images of democracy and the empire is the very epitome of decadence. The collapse of this, the greatest of empires, is a parable. The Progressive Era opened with overt imperial ambitions and ended with the collapse of Woodrow Wilson's plans for a Pax Americana. Throughout this period, the symbol of Rome was explicitly used to justify or condemn expansion, warn of the dangers of immigration and commercialization, attack America's enemies, and praise the nation's allies. To figures as diverse as Kaiser Wilhelm II, Henry Adams, and Theodore Roosevelt, Rome was both a model and a warning. Politicians, historians and other commentators saw America as heir to the Roman legacy. Race theorizers claimed that Americans were either the modern Romans or the descendants of the Barbarians—promoters of ordered modernity or champions of individual democracy.
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17

Morley, Neville. ":Rome at War: Farms, Families, and Death in the Middle Republic.(Studies in the History of Greece and Rome.)." American Historical Review 110, no. 4 (October 2005): 1231–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ahr.110.4.1231.

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18

Curtright, Travis, and Barbara L. Parker. "Plato's Republic and Shakespeare's Rome: A Political Study of the Roman Works." Sixteenth Century Journal 37, no. 2 (July 1, 2006): 620. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20477965.

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19

Hollander, David B. "Rome at War: Farms, Families, and Death in the Middle Republic." Agricultural History 82, no. 2 (April 1, 2008): 242–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00021482-82.2.242.

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20

López Barja De Quiroga, Pedro. "THEQVINQVATRVSOF JUNE, MARSYAS ANDLIBERTASIN THE LATE ROMAN REPUBLIC." Classical Quarterly 68, no. 1 (May 2018): 143–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838818000289.

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Masked revelry, the quaffing of large amounts of wine and the sound of flutes … this cavalcade would pass through the streets of Rome every 13th June, even crossing the forum itself. As we will show later on, a connection can be established between this celebration (theQuinquatrus minusculae) and the statue of Marsyas, the acolyte of Dionysus, which stood in the forum and was associated with freedom, wine and charivari. In turn, this connection will open the way for a new interpretation of the multiple meanings of the feast and the satyr in the highly charged political atmosphere of Late Republican Rome. The main aim of this study will be to show, in the third part of this article, howpopularespoliticians tried to exploit the opportunities presented to them by religious festivities andludito draw more of the public into theircontionesor to obtain a favourable verdict in a political trial.
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Rowan, Clare. "Ambiguity, Iconology and Entangled Objects on Coinage of the Republican World." Journal of Roman Studies 106 (August 16, 2016): 21–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435816000629.

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ABSTRACTThe provincial coinage of the Roman Empire has proven to be a rich source for studying civic experiences of Roman rule, but the coins struck outside Rome during the expansion of the Roman Republic have, by contrast, received relatively little attention. This article aims to begin redressing this neglect by exploring the active rôle of coinage in conceptualizing and representing Roman Republican power. A variety of approaches to this neglected material are employed in order to highlight its potential as a source. Ambiguity, iconology, and entanglement are used as frameworks to explore case studies from across the Roman Republican world, from Spain to Syria. This approach to coin imagery under the Republic reveals the complexity and variety in which the Roman presence, and Romanimperium, was represented before the advent of the Principate.
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Fertik, Harriet. "Learning from Women: Mothers, Slaves, and Regime Change in Tacitus’ Dialogue on Orators." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 37, no. 2 (May 11, 2020): 245–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340274.

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Abstract This essay offers a new assessment of the role of women in Tacitus’ Dialogue on Orators and of their significance for Tacitus’ analysis of regime change. The women of the Dialogue have received only cursory scholarly attention: they appear briefly in Messalla’s diatribe on the decline of Roman education (Dial. 28.4-29.2), when he contrasts the virtuous mothers of the Republic with the enslaved nurses who rear children in his own period, when an emperor rules in Rome. Yet Messalla’s exemplary mothers undermine his own interpretation of Roman history, and his description of the household ruled by slaves foreshadows Maternus’ account of Republican politics at the conclusion of the text. Women in Messalla’s speech challenge ideas of decline in the Dialogue and represent the possibility of practicing politics even in restrictive circumstances.
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Kročanová, Dagmar. "Slovak Language Teaching in Italy in the Context of Slovak-Italian Cultural Relationships." Chuzhdoezikovo Obuchenie-Foreign Language Teaching 48, no. 2 (April 25, 2021): 191–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.53656/for21.28obu.

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The initial part of the paper describes the history of Slovak language and culture teaching in Italy, namely, Slovak lectorates at University of Naples L´Orientale, University of Rome Sapienza, and University of Bologna in Forlì. The central part of the paper discusses the foundation, development and activities of the most recent lectorate, founded in 2006, and currently affiliated with the Department of Interpreting and Translating at University of Bologna in Forlì. The paper mentions the circumstances related to the foundation of the lectorate, especially the message of Alexander Dubček (1921 – 1992) upon whom University of Bologna conferred the honorary doctorate in 1988. The paper discusses various activities of the lectorate (language teaching, research and publishing, promoting Slovakia and Slovak culture). It mentions the collaboration with Slovak and Italian institutions, including the Embassy of Slovak Republic in Rome, Slovak Institute in Rome and Honorary Consulate of Slovak Republic in Forlì. The final part of the paper mentions the current situation and perspectives of Slovak studies in Italy.
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Meadows, Andrew, and Jonathan Williams. "Moneta and the Monuments: Coinage and Politics in Republican Rome." Journal of Roman Studies 91 (November 2001): 27–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3184768.

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The mint of Republican Rome was located on the Capitol somewhere in the vicinity of the temple of Juno Moneta. This is one of the best known but perhaps worst attested pieces of topographical information concerning the Republican city of Rome. The evidence that the coins of the Roman Republic were made there is exiguous to say the least. Indeed, there are only two literary sources that explicitly site the mint at Juno Moneta's temple. The first is Livy's account of the condemnation and execution of M. Manlius Capitolinus, the hero who had previously saved the Capitol from assault by the Gauls. Livy mentions that the people passed a law to the effect that no patrician would thereafter be permitted to live on the Capitol or the Arx, for Manlius' house had stood on the site where, Livy says, now stands the aedes atque officina Monetae, the temple and the workshop of Moneta. The second is contained in the Suda (s.v. Μονήτα), in a passage to be discussed below. These are the sole threads of evidence on which the location of the mint of Republican Rome hangs. Nevertheless, despite an attempt to impugn Livy's reputation for topographical accuracy, they should suffice.
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Sinovets, П. А., and M. R. Nerez. "THE EVOLUTION OF BILATERAL RELATIONS BETWEEN THE REPUBLIC OF BELARUS THE BOLIVARIAN REPUBLIC OF VENEZUELA IN THE EARLY 21ST CENTURY." International and Political Studies, no. 34 (October 21, 2021): 123–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237495.

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The article is dedicated to the exploration of the Russian strategic culture and its influence on the major foreign and security policy trends of the Russian Federation. In particular, we suggest dividing Russian strategic culture into the three domains, taking roots from the historic, geographic, and religious foundations of the Moscow state. Those are, first, the Third Rome doctrine, having laid the background for the Russian imperial messianism, the immanent rivalry with the West as well as the Russian World idea and the further annexation of Crimea. Second, the “gathering lands” principle added the sacral meaning to the idea of strategic depth and the territory of Russia. As the result, the breakup of the Soviet Union and the enlargement of NATO to the East became the most painful episodes in Russian history, causing the reaction, which led to the confrontational role of Russia in the international system. And “the besieged fortress” principle serves as the element of integrating the Russian state and society as it is based on the idea that only the existence of rivals makes Russia the great state.
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Davies, Penelope J. E. "A REPUBLICAN DILEMMA: CITY OR STATE? OR, THE CONCRETE REVOLUTION REVISITED." Papers of the British School at Rome 85 (July 24, 2017): 71–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246217000046.

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In a well-known passage, the Greek historian Polybius, writing in the mid-second century BC, attributes Rome's success as a republic to a perfect balance of power between its constituent elements, army, senate and people (Histories6.11); and indeed, the Republic's long survival was an achievement worth explaining. On another note, over a century later, Livy remarked how Republican Rome, with its rambling street plan and miscellany of buildings, compared unfavourably with the magnificent royal cities of the eastern Mediterranean; he put this down to hasty rebuilding after a great Gallic conflagration around 390 BC. Few scholars now accept his explanation. A handful of scholars argue for underlying rationales, usually when setting up the early city as a foil for its transformation under Augustus and subsequent emperors, and their conclusions tend towards characterizing the city's design as an unintended corollary to the annual turnover of magistrates. This article, likewise, argues for the role of government in the city's appearance; but it contends that the state of Republican urbanism was deliberate. A response, of sorts, to both ancient authors' observations, it addresses how provisions to ensure equilibrium in one of the Republic's components, the senatorial class, in the interests of preserving the res publica, came at a vital cost to the city's architectural evolution. These provisions took the form of intentional constraints (on time and money), to prevent élite Romans from building like, and thus presenting themselves as, Mediterranean monarchs. Painting with a broad chronological stroke, it traces the tension between the Roman Republic in its ideal state and the physical city, exploring the strategies élite Romans developed to work within the constraints. Only when unforeseen factors weakened the state's power to self-regulate could the built city flourish and, in doing so, further diminish the state. Many of these factors — such as increased wealth in the second century and the first-century preponderance of special commands — are known; to these, this article argues, should be added the development of concrete.
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BORCHUK, Stepan, and Maryana ZASYPKO. "ZUNR (WEST UKRAINIAN PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC) IN ENCYCLOPAEDIC EDITIONS." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 32 (2019): 238–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2019-32-238-246.

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The encyclopedic editions that cover the topic of ZUNR are analyzed in this article. The main focus is on the Soviet encyclopedic editions "Ukrainian Soviet Encyclopedia" and "Soviet Encyclopedia of the History of Ukraine" in which the authors covered the history of ZUNR under the crushing Soviet propaganda way. These articles describe the position of the Soviet authorities regarding the history of the ZUNR and the independence of Ukraine. Historical aspects of statehood are revealed, but as destructive and crushing for the Soviet apparatus. The unilateral nature of these articles was characterized as they covered ZUNR policy from a subjective point of view. The tendency of repetition of encyclopedic texts on ZUNR that passed from one Soviet edition to another is revealed. Changes in the emphasis on the study of the history of ZUNR with the restoration of Ukraine's independence have been observed. Significant attention is focused on modern encyclopedic projects, which cover the history of ZUNR and have become a kind of quintessence and business card of all previous scientific work on the subject of ZUNR. Examples in changing the emphasis in ZUNR research by modern researchers are given. The basic conceptual bases of national historiography concerning the history of ZUNR are formulated. In the article, the author emphasizes the position of changing the assessment of the state policy of ZUNR officials to the state policy. Domestic researchers in new encyclopedic editions re-submit ZUNR history and most of the stigmatized spots have been cleaned up and fairly introduced into national encyclopedic editions. The article emphasizes the need to develop new archival data that will become available in the archives of the Catholic University of Rome. Declassification of these materials will make it possible to review articles in encyclopedic editions of already independent Ukraine. Make their own adjustments and add to existing present historical material. The author emphasizes that encyclopedic science is an important field of historical disciplines, because it covers a large amount of material in an accessible abbreviated form. Key words: Western Ukrainian People's Republic 1918–1919, national democratic revolution, «Ukrainian Soviet Encyclopedia», «Soviet Encyclopedia of History of Ukraine», «Encyclopedia of History of Ukraine», «Western Ukrainian People's Republic 1918–1923. Encyclopedia», Ukrainian Galician Army.
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Patterson, John R. "‘The City of Rome Revisited: From Mid-Republic to Mid-Empire’." Journal of Roman Studies 100 (November 2010): 210–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435810000134.

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29

Turner, Frank M. "British Politics and the Demise of the Roman Republic: 1700–1939." Historical Journal 29, no. 3 (September 1986): 577–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00018926.

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During the past quarter century scholars from several disciplines have established the central metaphorical function of the demise of the ancient Roman Republic for both literary and political discourse in eighteenth century Britain. But the reverse side of that inquiry – the impact of the analogy between Britain and Rome on the modern historical interpretation of the ancient republic – has received virtually no attention. This oversight has concealed a remarkable modern British historiographical phenomenon that did not end at the close of the eighteenth century. Rather, for over two hundred years modern British political ideologies and preoccupations determined not only how the collapse of the Roman republic would be interpreted but also in large measure even whether it would receive historical examination. The various shifts of historical interpretation from the age of Queen Anne through that of Chamberlain illustrate with stunning and disturbing clarity the relentless manner in which contemporary political concerns can shape, revise, and eventually overwhelm modes of historical understanding without discovery of significant new evidence or the application of new methodology. By the twentieth century methodology itself, in the form of prosopography, in part served the ends of political commentary.
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Larsen, Mik. "Statilius Taurus, the Minotaur, and the Conspiracy of Catiline." Klio 100, no. 1 (July 18, 2018): 224–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2018-0008.

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Summary This paper investigates the ties of the Statilius family to the Caesarian party and to Roman politics more generally during the last decades of the Roman Republic. After establishing the gens Statilia's origin and potential political position in Lucania, it contests earlier suppositions about what started the family's prominence in Rome proper. The paper argues that, instead of the Statilii catapulting into prominence at Rome during the time of the Augustan novus homo Titus Statilius Taurus (cos. 36, 27 BCE), their involvement began earlier, as part of the equestrian branch of the conspiratorial followers of Catiline, a datum which might provide enlightenment about the „missing clients“ of Julius Caesar's early career.
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Jang, Moon Seok. "Book Review: "Eternal Roman Republic or Roman Republic as a Metaphor", Seung-Il Hoe, A History of Rome: Citizens and Politics of the Roman Republic (Nanok, 2019), 361pp." Journal of Western History 63 (November 30, 2020): 179–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.16894/jowh.63.6.

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32

Graham, Emma-Jayne. "Rome Fellowships: An evaluation of the evidence for the rite of os resectum at Rome during the late Republic." Papers of the British School at Rome 75 (November 2007): 293–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246200003639.

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33

Arruzza, Cinzia. "‘Un paradigma in cielo’. Platone politico da Aristotele al Novecento, Mario Vegetti, Rome: Carocci, 2009." Historical Materialism 21, no. 1 (2013): 185–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12341269.

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Abstract Vegetti’s book tries to decipher and recast the complex history of the interpretation of the political Plato in a compelling historical and philosophical analysis. This review article presents an intellectual profile of Mario Vegetti and a critical engagement with his historical and politico-philosophical approach. It concludes with the suggestion that we should investigate the vicious circle of philosophy and politics in Plato’s Republic in light of Marx’s Theses on Feuerbach.
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34

Prag, Jonathan R. W. "Auxilia and Gymnasia: A Sicilian Model of Roman Imperialism." Journal of Roman Studies 97 (November 2007): 68–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.3815/000000007784016061.

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This paper examines the evidence for military activity in the Republican provincia of Sicily from the Punic Wars to the Civil Wars, and the implications of this for our understanding of Republican Sicily and Republican imperialism. After the Second Punic War there was very little use of Roman or Italian allied soldiers on the island, but extensive use, by Rome, of local Sicilian soldiers. The rich evidence for gymnasia suggests one way in which this use of local manpower was based upon existing civic structures and encouraged local civic culture and identity. These conclusions prompt a reassessment of the importance of auxilia externa under the Roman Republic and of models for Republican imperial control of provinciae.
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35

Gilks, David. "Civilization and Its Discontents." French Historical Studies 45, no. 3 (August 1, 2022): 481–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-9746615.

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Abstract This article reinterprets Antoine Quatremère de Quincy's Letters on the Plan to Abduct the Monuments of Italy (1796). In response to official justifications that seizing cultural patrimony was France's civilizing mission, Quatremère argued that civilization required all nations to leave Rome intact and respect eighteenth-century conventions. The article shows how he attempted to make his work acceptable to republican readers by using a language uncharacteristic of his other writings and by mimicking the concept of a singular and secular civilization that was central to the post-Thermidorian Republic's identity. The Letters was part of the broader strategy of the royalist Clichy club to make republicans question the Republic. However, informed contemporaries saw through his conceit: they discerned an attack on the Directory in his description of how the papacy nourished and protected the civilization but endangered it in practice. Cet article propose une nouvelle lecture des Lettres sur le déplacement des monuments de l'art de l'Italie (1796). Au discours officiel qui justifiait la saisie du patrimoine culturel de l'Italie vaincue au nom de la mission civilisatrice de la France, Quatremère oppose l'idée que c'est justement au nom de la civilisation que Rome doit être protégée et qu'il faut respecter les droits des nations tels qu'on les a définis au XVIIIe siècle. Quatremère s'est efforcé de présenter son texte de manière à le rendre acceptable aux lecteurs républicains : pour ce faire, il a eu recours à un langage très différent de celui de ses autres écrits, et il a fait semblant d'adhérer à l'idée de la civilisation unique et laïque au cœur de l'idéologie de la République post-Thermidorienne. Malgré ces efforts, les lecteurs avertis ont décelé son stratagème qui consiste à attaquer le Directoire tout en faisant de la papauté la vraie protectrice d'une civilisation que la République affirme défendre mais attaque en réalité. Les Lettres apparaissent ainsi comme un des éléments de la stratégie des Clichyens pour amener les républicains à remettre en question la République elle-même.
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Kazarov, S. S. "THE WAR WITH PYRRHUS IN THE CONTEXT OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF ROME IN III CENTURY BC." Вестник Пермского университета. История, no. 4(59) (2022): 5–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2219-3111-2022-4-5-10.

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The war of the Romans with King Pyrrhus of Epirus was a kind of borderline that conditionally divided the history of Roman republic into two main periods. Many modern researchers follow the concept of the Greek historian Polybius, who considered the expulsion of the Epirus king from Italy as the start of the gradual establishment of Roman hegemony in the Mediterranean. The further expansion of Rome, first to the South of Italy, and then outside – to Sicily, was accompanied by an internal political struggle between two groups in Roman society, one of which defended the agrarian development of Rome and therefore was not interested in expanding to the South and leaving Italy, but the second, represented by trade and craft circles, strove for new conquests and the acquisition of new markets. The question of the exact time of minting silver coins in Rome is highly controversial, but there is no doubt that their issue began soon after the end of the war with Pyrrhus. Another consequence of the Pyrrhic War was the recognition by the Romans of their vulnerability due to the lack of their own navy, the construction of which began twenty years after the events mentioned – during the first Punic War. After the war, there was a change in the mentality of the Romans, who, on the one hand, began to realize themselves as the masters of Italy. On the other hand, the harsh customs of their ancestors went down in history and were replaced by the desire for enrichment, undermining the moral foundations of the Roman Republic: the Romans, who had previously rejected the gifts of the emissary of the Epirus king, after a few decades, became familiar with luxury goods, becoming an obligatory subject of their daily life. Over time, the attitude of the Romans to the personality of the Epirus king himself changed. In their eyes, he turned from a noble hero into an ordinary enemy like Hannibal or Philip V. In fact, the victory of the Romans over Pyrrhus was a harbinger of the Punic wars and, ultimately, the establishment of the hegemony of Rome in the Mediterranean. But, speaking of the Pyrrhic war itself, modern researchers for some reason forget about the role of the personality of the Epirus king himself, which in one way or another caused the changes that took place in the history of Rome.
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Žagar, Davorin. "A Discourse on Machiavelli’s New Rome." Politička misao 58, no. 4 (November 23, 2021): 7–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.58.4.01.

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In the first part of the paper the author presents the key theses of Vickie Sullivan’s‎reading of Machiavelli. Sullivan argues that, in order to prevent corruption,‎Machiavelli innovatively reworks elements of Christian teaching‎for entirely temporal purposes and offers a specific, modern solution, ‘new‎Rome’, in the form of an irreligious, fearful republic which early and effectively‎punishes the ambitious few seeking to establish tyranny. In the internal‎realm of the city, the Florentine reduces class desires of the plebs and the‎greats under the common goal of acquisition. A bellicose, tumultuous republic‎satisfies the desires of all the social actors, resulting in a lasting political order.‎In the second part the author critically engages with Sullivan’s interpretation,‎drawing on Claude Lefort’s interpretation of Machiavelli. Surprisingly,‎Lefort’s groundbreaking work on Machiavelli has been absent in Straussian‎readings of the Florentine. By highlighting the authentically democratic nature‎of Machiavelli’s project, in contrast with Sullivan’s reading, an entirely‎different ‘new Rome’ arises on the horizon.
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Pawlak, Marcin N. "Theophanes, Potamon and Mytilene’s Freedom." Electrum 27 (2020): 173–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20800909el.20.009.12799.

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Theophanes and Potamon of Mytilene, two Greek euergetes who sought to serve their home polis in a rapidly changing political landscape of the late Roman Republic and early Principate, took an active interest in the politics of the day and sought to lobby Roman elites on Mytilene’s behalf. Theophanes befriended and advised Pompey, contributing to Pompey’s decision to pardon and liberate Mytilene after the city’s ignominious participation in the Asiatic Vespers, whereas Potamon served as Mytilene’s ambassador in Rome, adroitly championing its city’s interests. Two politicians bettered Mytilene’s political status in the tumultuous period of transformation from a republic to an autocracy and ensured that the city maintained its freedom until the times of the Flavians.
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39

Walter, Uwe. "Guy Bradley, Early Rome to 290 BC. The Beginnings of the City and the Rise of the Republic. (The Edinburgh History of Ancient Rome.) Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press 2020." Historische Zeitschrift 315, no. 2 (October 1, 2022): 465–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hzhz-2022-1358.

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40

Prag, Jonathan. "Rome Awards: Sicily and the Roman Republic 241–44 BC: provincialization and provincial identities." Papers of the British School at Rome 72 (November 2004): 370–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068246200002889.

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41

Greeley, Andrew, and Dale B. Light. "Rome and the New Republic: Conflict and Community in Philadelphia Catholicism between the Revolution and the Civil War." Journal of American History 84, no. 3 (December 1997): 1056. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2953135.

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42

Forsythe, Gary. "Trevor S. Luke.Ushering in a New Republic: Theologies of Arrival at Rome in the First Century BCE." American Historical Review 121, no. 2 (April 2016): 633–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/121.2.633.

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43

Edwell, Peter. "The Euphrates as a Boundary between Rome and Parthia in the Late Republic and Early Empire." Antichthon 47 (2013): 191–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400000332.

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AbstractIt is generally agreed that during the first century BC the Euphrates River came to represent a negotiated boundary of Roman and Parthian power in the Near East, and that this remained the case until the overthrow of the Parthians by the Sassanians in the third century AD. It was during the first century BC that the term imperium began to be used in the context of expressions of corporate Roman power; this eventually saw an additional important usage of the term evolve to that of an expression of physical territory, that is, empire, by the end of the reign of Augustus. This paper argues that it is possible to link the development of the Euphrates as a boundary of Roman and Parthian power in the first century BC with developments and changes in the usage of the term imperium. It traces the history of Roman and Parthian agreements and conflicts throughout the first century BC in the context of the development of the Euphrates as a boundary. The paper also argues that only the upper section of the Euphrates came to play this role and that previous analyses of the middle Euphrates have produced a misleading understanding of Roman and Parthian activity on this section of the river. The analysis of archaeological evidence from the first centuries BC and AD from the middle Euphrates site of Dura Europos is employed to illuminate the analysis of the Euphrates as a boundary. We arrive at a better understanding of Dura's history during this period if we considert Dura in the broader context of the Euphrates’ role in dividing Roman and Parthian power.
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44

Strechie, Mădălina. "Forms of Terrorism in Ancient Rome." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 25, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 161–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/kbo-2019-0027.

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Abstract Terrorism is an old phenomenon in human civilization. Terminologically, it comes from Latin, but this scourge also fully manifested itself in Roman civilization, throughout its history. This study seeks to fill a bibliographic gap on this criminal phenomenon, most studies of it starting with the Middle Ages, without any reference to Ancient Rome, which is unfair, especially since Rome was confronted with this phenomenon, which it defined terminologically and to which it responded with the necessary force, thus transforming its defence policy. The first forms of terrorism emerged in Rome during the Kingdom, when, at the beginning of its political organization, Rome faced numerous terrorist manifestations, especially from outside the Roman state. The Gauls were, at the beginning of the Republic, genuine agents of terrorism in Rome through their plundering expeditions that caused real terror. Etruscan pirates were terrorists, too, for the Roman trade, the struggle of the plebeians and their withdrawal with barricades in order to obtain political rights meant real political terror at that time, then Spartacus’ revolt and his march which spread terror throughout Rome, the civil wars which bled Rome became genuine forms of internal terrorism, especially because of the assassination of Roman state leaders, as well as the corruption masterly unmasked by Cicero. The forms of external terrorism were also present, the most notorious episode being the Punic wars, in particular the war of Hannibal, the most effective terrorist for Rome, the Dacians’ plundering expeditions in the Roman garrisons in Moesia, the battles with the Parthians and the Britons are as many forms of the terrorism that Rome faced during its history, which compelled it into creating new forces capable of responding to this new way of fighting. We believe that the Praetorian Guard, with all its units, was the most effective counter-terrorist force in combating the terrorist phenomenon strongly manifested in Rome. Therefore Rome, knowing the phenomenon, defined it most precisely, a definition that still applies today.
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45

Oakley, S. P. "Single Combat in the Roman Republic." Classical Quarterly 35, no. 2 (December 1985): 392–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800040246.

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In his discussion of Roman military institutions Polybius described how the desire for fame might inspire Roman soldiers to heroic feats of bravery, including single combat: (6.54.3–4)τ⋯ δ⋯ μέγιστον, οἱ νέοι παρορμ⋯νται πρ⋯ς τ⋯ π⋯ν ὑπομένειν ὑπ⋯ρ τ⋯ν κοιν⋯ν πραγμάτων χάριν το⋯ τυχεῖν τ⋯ς συνακολουθούσης τοῖς ⋯γαθοῖς τ⋯ν ⋯νδρ⋯ν εὐκλείας. πίστιν δ' ἔχει τ⋯ λεγόμενον ⋯κ τούτων. πολλο⋯ μ⋯ν γ⋯ρ ⋯μονο-μάχησαν ⋯κουσίως Ῥωμαίων ὑπ⋯ρ τ⋯ς τ⋯ν ὅλων κρίσεως κτλ. Modern scholars, however, have taken little notice of this remark and some have tried to belittle the importance of single combat at Rome. Thus G. Dumézil alleged that the Romans fought few single combats and that this was significant for their outlook upon war, while R. Bloch described the duels in the seventh book of Livy as ‘un mode de combat absolument étranger à la tradition romaine, mail auquel les Romains ont été contraints par les habitudes et par les défis des Celtes’. W. V. Harris is the only scholar to have understood the importance of monomachy in the Roman Republic, but even he has not assembled all the evidence necessary for an accurate assessment of the phenomenon. This essay is intended to provide a full treatment and thus to make some contribution in a limited but interesting area to our understanding of Roman attitudes to warfare. I have included a list and discussion of all instances of single combat from the Roman Republic which I have discovered and have argued that the custom continued from prehistoric times at least to 45 b.c.
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46

van der Linden, David. "Unholy Territory." Church History and Religious Culture 100, no. 4 (October 19, 2020): 526–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-bja10012.

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Abstract This article studies the mission of French Discalced Carmelite friars in the seventeenth-century Dutch Republic. Established from 1647 onwards in The Hague, Leiden, and Amsterdam, the missionaries’ aim was to minister to the French-speaking Catholics of Holland, but they also sought to convert expatriate French Protestants as part of the wider Counter-Reformation campaign to win back souls lost to the Reformation. Despite conflict with the Walloon churches, however, the Carmelite mission was surprisingly successful in converting Huguenots to the Church of Rome, repatriating many of them to France in the wake of the Revocation. As such, this article sheds new light on the relationship between expatriate communities in Holland, arguing that the Dutch Republic was not only a safe haven for refugees, but also the scene of ongoing conflict between French Protestants and Catholics during the reign of Louis XIV.
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Eich, Armin. "David Potter, The Origin of Empire. Rome from the Republic to Hadrian (264 BC–138 AD). London, Profile Books 2019." Historische Zeitschrift 311, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 436–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hzhz-2020-1349.

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48

Lintott, Andrew. "Brian Walters, The Deaths of the Republic. Imagery of the Body Politic in Ciceronian Rome. Oxford, Oxford University Press 2020." Historische Zeitschrift 311, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 723–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hzhz-2020-1445.

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49

Groen-Vallinga, Miriam J. "Winkelen in Rome - Claire Holleran, Shopping in Ancient Rome. The retail trade in the Late Republic and the Principate (Oxford University Press; Oxford 2012) 302p., ill., krt., €105,- ISBN 9780199698219." Tijdschrift voor Geschiedenis 125, no. 4 (December 1, 2012): 583–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2012.4.b8.

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50

Hardie, Alex. "The Camenae in Cult, History, and Song*." Classical Antiquity 35, no. 1 (April 1, 2016): 45–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ca.2016.35.1.45.

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This essay aims to redefine the place of the Camenae within the evolution of Roman carmen. It analyses the documented association of the purifying fons Camenarum with the cult of Vesta and by extension with the salvific prayer-carmina of her virgines; and it takes the Camenae from the archaic origins of their cult, with reflections on Etruscan and other territorial interests, to their appearance in the epic laudes of men in the third and second centuries BC. The identification of Camenae and Muses, it is argued, pre-dates Livius Andronicus' “Camena,” and is best understood as a component of the Numa-legend as it emerged towards the end of the fourth century. Pythagorean Muse-cult, reflecting the Muses' traditional interest in civic homonoia (concord) and law-making kings, played a part; and an agent of change was the reformist Appius Claudius Caecus, author of the first attested Roman carmen. The wider context lies in the cultural interplay of Rome, Etruria, and Greek southern Italy in the early and middle Republic.
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