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Journal articles on the topic 'State support to insurgent groups'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 9 February 2022

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1

Stewart, Megan A. "Civil War as State-Making: Strategic Governance in Civil War." International Organization 72, no. 1 (2017): 205–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818317000418.

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AbstractWhy do some rebel groups provide governance inclusively while most others do not? Some insurgencies divert critical financial and personnel resources to provide benefits to anyone, including nonsupporters (Karen National Union, Eritrean People's Liberation Front). Other groups offer no services or limit their service provision to only those people who support, or are likely to support, the insurgency. The existing literature examines how insurgencies incentivize recruitment by offering selective social services, yet no research addresses why insurgencies provide goods inclusively. I ar

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Staniland, Paul. "Organizing Insurgency: Networks, Resources, and Rebellion in South Asia." International Security 37, no. 1 (2012): 142–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00091.

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A central question in civil war research is how state sponsorship, overseas funding, involvement in illicit economics, and access to lootable resources affect the behavior and organization of insurgent groups. Existing research has not arrived at any consensus, as resource wealth is portrayed as a cause of both undisciplined predation and military resilience. A social-institutional theory explains why similar resource wealth can be associated with such different outcomes. The theory argues that the social networks on which insurgent groups are built create different types of organizations with

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Gana, Modu Lawan. "Joining Militia; Understanding the Drivers of Militia Participation in Counterinsurgency Operation in Yobe State, Nigeria." European Journal of Behavioral Sciences 3, no. 4 (2020): 14–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/ejbs.v3i4.435.

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The Nigeria government has been fighting a protracted insurgency by Boko Haram since 2009. Despite the concerted multifaceted counterinsurgency approach, the insurgent sustained its violence with impunity. However, the participation of militia to support the government significantly suppressed the insurgent hostilities, reduced both attack frequencies and fatalities. Even though the militias succeed in the operation, but what motivates them to engage in the militia is not address. This article, therefore, drawing data from interviews and field observations, this study investigated the drivers

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Jo, Hyeran, and Catarina P. Thomson. "Legitimacy and Compliance with International Law: Access to Detainees in Civil Conflicts, 1991–2006." British Journal of Political Science 44, no. 2 (2013): 323–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123412000749.

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Existing compliance research has focused on states’ adherence to international rules. This article reports on state and also non-state actors’ adherence to international norms. The analysis of warring parties’ behaviour in granting the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) access to detention centres between 1991 and 2006 shows that both governments and rebel groups adhere to the norm of accepting the ICRC in order to advance their pursuit of legitimacy. National governments are more likely to grant access when they are democracies and rely on foreign aid. Insurgent groups are more l

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COHEN, DARA KAY. "Explaining Rape during Civil War: Cross-National Evidence (1980–2009)." American Political Science Review 107, no. 3 (2013): 461–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055413000221.

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Why do some armed groups commit massive wartime rape, whereas others never do? Using an original dataset, I describe the substantial variation in rape by armed actors during recent civil wars and test a series of competing causal explanations. I find evidence that the recruitment mechanism is associated with the occurrence of wartime rape. Specifically, the findings support an argument about wartime rape as a method of socialization, in which armed groups that recruit by force—through abduction or pressganging—use rape to create unit cohesion. State weakness and insurgent contraband funding ar

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Bergamaschi, Isaline. "The fall of a donor darling: the role of aid in Mali's crisis." Journal of Modern African Studies 52, no. 3 (2014): 347–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x14000251.

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ABSTRACTThis article offers a political economy perspective on the Malian crisis with a focus on aid and donor practices. The argument is two-fold. On the one hand, aid consolidated a regime that grew increasingly discredited, so that aid and donors – voluntarily or otherwise – contributed to create the pre-2012 context of fragility. On the other hand, this structural gap has created a state of affairs that provided some impulse and support to putschists and insurgent groups. It explores four channels through which this has happened in practice. External funding agencies have sponsored what wa

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Ishin, A. V. "The Social-Historical Phenomenon of Insurgent Motion is in Crimea: 1923 year." Post-Soviet Issues 5, no. 2 (2018): 203–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2018-5-2-203-209.

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An author probes the relapses of insurgent antibolshevist motion in Crimea, taking place in 1923. At he leans mainly against exposed in the funds of the Record office of Republic Crimea operative materials of Parts of the special setting of Crimea, which had vulture of secrecy, targeted at the narrow circle of persons, making decision. On this account these sources cause the trust of researchers fully justified.An author comes to the conclusion, that as compared to 1921–1922, the actions of the armed insurgent detachments carried episodic, irregular character. Not having support on wide social

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Bos, Michèle, and Jan Melissen. "Rebel diplomacy and digital communication: public diplomacy in the Sahel." International Affairs 95, no. 6 (2019): 1331–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiz195.

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Abstract Most research on social media as a tool for public diplomacy focuses on its use by recognized international actors to advance their national interest and reputation, deliver foreign policy objectives or promote their global interests. This article highlights the need for paying more attention to non-state diplomacy in conflict situations outside the western world. We examine how rebel groups use new media to enhance their communications, and what the motivations behind this are. Our public diplomacy perspective helps convey the scope of rebel communications with external actors and pr

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Salehyan, Idean, Kristian Skrede Gleditsch, and David E. Cunningham. "Explaining External Support for Insurgent Groups." International Organization 65, no. 4 (2011): 709–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818311000233.

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AbstractMany rebel organizations receive significant assistance from external governments, yet the reasons why some rebels attract foreign support while others do not is poorly understood. We analyze factors determining external support for insurgent groups from a principal-agent perspective. We focus on both the supply side, that is, when states are willing to support insurgent groups in other states, and the demand side, that is, when groups are willing to accept such support, with the conditions that this may entail. We test our hypotheses using new disaggregated data on insurgent groups an

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Gopalakrishnan, R. "Afghanistan'S Foreign Policy: Patterns And Problems." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 44, no. 3-4 (1988): 226–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848804400303.

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Soviet intervention in Afghanistan clearly indicates the strategic implications of its location. The political instability in the region (rise of fundamentalism in Iran, Iran-Iraq War and so on) has added to this significance. Be that as it may, Afghanistan's situation can be expressed in terms of its susceptibility to external pressures and intense factionalism within the land-locked state's dynamic populations. This latter aspect had divided the country several times over. Afghan foreign policy, therefore, has been viewed in this perspective. The present article reviews the stated facts to h

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Syrný, Marek. "The Slovak National Uprising 1944." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 1 (January 31, 2020): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2020-1-24-29.

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The article describes the Slovak National Uprising and its role in defeat of nazi Germany. It is shown that after the so-called Munich Treaty and creation of (First) Slovak Republic the majority of population was satisfied with state of affairs. The bombings of Bratislava by US Air Force in June 1944 caused increasing of local Resistance groups. This situation triggered off the decision of the Germans to occupy Slovakia. It is spoken in detail about course of the uprising. Author proposes the division of uprising into three phases depends on activities from both sides. Attention is given to th

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Bob, Clifford. "Marketing Rebellion: Insurgent Groups, International Media, and NGO Support." International Politics 38, no. 3 (2001): 311–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/palgrave.ip.8892332.

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Avdan, Nazli, and Mariya Omelicheva. "Human Trafficking-Terrorism Nexus: When Violent Non-State Actors Engage in the Modern-Day Slavery." Journal of Conflict Resolution 65, no. 9 (2021): 1576–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00220027211010904.

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Why do some militant organizations participate in human trafficking? We investigate this question by introducing a new dataset that records insurgent organizations’ involvement in four types of human trafficking: sexual exploitation, forced recruitment, slavery, and kidnapping. Marrying our data to the BAAD2I population of insurgent organizations, we uncover the organizational attributes related to human trafficking. We find that groups with wide alliance networks and territorial control are more likely to commit human trafficking. Organizations that are losing command of the territory and suf

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Asal, Victor, Brian J. Phillips, R. Karl Rethemeyer, Corina Simonelli, and Joseph K. Young. "Carrots, Sticks, and Insurgent Targeting of Civilians." Journal of Conflict Resolution 63, no. 7 (2018): 1710–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002718789748.

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How do conciliatory and coercive counterinsurgency tactics affect militant group violence against civilians? Scholars of civil war increasingly seek to understand intentional civilian targeting, often referred to as terrorism. Extant research emphasizes group weakness, or general state attributes such as regime type. We focus on terrorism as violent communication and as a response to government actions. State tactics toward groups, carrots and sticks, should be important for explaining insurgent terror. We test the argument using new data on terrorism by insurgent groups, with many time-varyin

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Hampton, Kathryn. "Born in the twilight zone: Birth registration in insurgent areas." International Review of the Red Cross 101, no. 911 (2019): 507–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383120000168.

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AbstractInsurgent groups are registering births in territories which they control, and yet States do not recognize insurgent birth registration, resulting in a legal vacuum with harsh consequences for children. Based on international human rights and humanitarian law provisions related to birth registration, this article argues that insurgent groups have an inherent power to register births in order to fulfil their obligations under international humanitarian law, and that State obligation to ensure the right to recognition as a person under the law should require States to recognize insurgent

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Denisova, T. S., and S. V. Kostelyanets. "Separatism in South Cameroon: Sources and Prospects." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 14, no. 1 (2021): 194–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2021-14-1-10.

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In the 2010s, the issue of separatism in Africa gained special significance in connection with the emergence in 2011 of a new state – the Republic of South Sudan (RSS), where a military and political conflict has continued throughout the entire period of independent development, accompanied by massive casualties among the civilian population. The situation in the RSS underscores the weakness of secessionism as a tool for solving the problems of national identity, socio-economic development and political marginalization, and also raises the question of whether separatism in Africa is able to le

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Jones, Seth G. "The Rise of Afghanistan's Insurgency: State Failure and Jihad." International Security 32, no. 4 (2008): 7–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2008.32.4.7.

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In 2002 Afghanistan began to experience a violent insurgency as the Taliban and other groups conducted a sustained effort to overthrow the Afghan government. Why did an insurgency begin in Afghanistan? Answers to this question have important theoretical and policy implications. Conventional arguments, which focus on the role of grievance or greed, cannot explain the Afghan insurgency. Rather, a critical precondition was structural: the collapse of governance after the overthrow of the Taliban regime. The Afghan government was unable to provide basic services to the population; its security for

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Daxecker, Ursula, and Brandon C. Prins. "Financing rebellion." Journal of Peace Research 54, no. 2 (2017): 215–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343316683436.

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A prominent explanation of the resource–conflict relationship suggests that natural resources finance rebellion by permitting rebel leaders the opportunity to purchase weapons, fighters, and local support. The bunkering of oil in the Niger Delta by quasi-criminal syndicates is an example of how the black-market selling of stolen oil may help finance anti-state groups. More systematic assessments have also shown that the risk and duration of conflict increases in the proximity of oil and diamond deposits. Yet despite the emphasis on rebel resource extraction in these arguments, empirical assess

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Englehart, Neil A. "Myanmar’s Non-State Armed Groups and the Prospects for Peace?" Asian Survey 60, no. 5 (2020): 830–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2020.60.5.830.

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Myanmar has suffered the world’s longest civil war, with continuous combat since shortly before the country’s independence from the UK in 1948. A new National Ceasefire Agreement has raised hopes that peace may finally be in sight. However, optimism should be tempered by a recognition the peace process has not built much trust, reduced the number of non-state armed groups in the country, their total size, or significantly improved their human rights behavior. This is demonstrated through an analysis of original data on the major non-state armed groups active in Myanmar between 1985 and 2017. P

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Lyall, Jason, and Isaiah Wilson. "Rage Against the Machines: Explaining Outcomes in Counterinsurgency Wars." International Organization 63, no. 1 (2009): 67–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818309090031.

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AbstractDuring the nineteenth century, states routinely defeated insurgent foes. Over the twentieth century, however, this pattern reversed itself, with states increasingly less likely to defeat insurgents or avoid meeting at least some of their demands. What accounts for this pattern of outcomes in counterinsurgency (COIN) wars? We argue that increasing mechanization within state militaries after World War I is primarily responsible for this shift. Unlike their nineteenth-century predecessors, modern militaries possess force structures that inhibit information collection among local populatio

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Clapham, Andrew. "Human rights obligations of non-state actors in conflict situations." International Review of the Red Cross 88, no. 863 (2006): 491–523. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383106000658.

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AbstractThe threat to human rights posed by non-state actors is of increasing concern. The author addresses the international obligations of belligerents, national liberation movements and insurgent entities, looks at the growing demands that such armed groups respect human rights norms and considers some of the options for holding private military companies accountable with regard to human rights abuses. The argument developed throughout this article is that all sorts of non-state actors are increasingly expected to comply with principles of international human rights law.

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Bamidele, Seun. "Understanding Insurgency in Nigeria: Interrogating Religious Categories of Analysis." Jadavpur Journal of International Relations 22, no. 2 (2018): 189–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973598418783642.

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In analyzing the motivations behind the formation of insurgent groups and their activities against the state, academic debates have been sharply divided. On the one hand are scholars who emphasize insurgency as fallout of religious activities, while on the other hand are those who prioritize geostrategic politics or political marginalization as the root cause. Either claim, however, is only valid in part and obscures a holistic understanding of insurgency as a political phenomenon. Using Boko Haram as a case study, this article interrogates literatures on the aforementioned perspectives and hi

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Meehan, Patrick. "Drugs, insurgency and state-building in Burma: Why the drugs trade is central to Burma's changing political order." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 42, no. 3 (2011): 376–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463411000336.

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The mainstream discourse on the political economy of drugs has emphasised the negative correlation between drug production and state capacity, with the presence of a thriving drugs trade seen as both a sign and a cause of weak states. Through an analysis of the drugs trade in Burma this study argues that such an approach is deeply flawed. Focusing on the period since the 1988 protests it argues that the illicit nature of the drugs trade has provided the state with an array of incentives (legal impunity, protection, money laundering) and threats (of prosecution) with which to co-opt and coerce

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Rezaeedaryakenari, Babak, Steven T. Landis, and Cameron G. Thies. "Food price volatilities and civilian victimization in Africa." Conflict Management and Peace Science 37, no. 2 (2017): 193–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894217729527.

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This paper studies the impact of food insecurity on civilian–rebel interactions. We argue that food price volatilities affect the incentives of insurgent groups and their subsequent treatment of civilians. The hypotheses developed in this study are empirically evaluated across a battery of statistical models using monthly data from a sample of 112 first administrative districts in sub-Saharan Africa. The results show that increases in food insecurity substantially raise the likelihood of insurgent groups committing violence against civilians and that districts with a higher proportion of agric

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Mirdad, Mohammad Ayub. "Taliban insurgency and transnational organized crime nexus." Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 33, no. 3 (2020): 266. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v33i32020.266-277.

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Afghanistan has been demolished by more than three decades of the ongoing war since the war against the Soviet Union started in 1979. The Afghanistan-Pakistan region provides a geographically secure location and a space of opportunity for organized crime and terrorist groups. This paper aims at exploring the Taliban nexus with organized crime groups in Afghanistan and the region through Makarenko’s crime-terror continuum theory. The method of this study is qualitative through the descriptive-analytical approach. The growing connection between insurgents and organized crime poses essential chal

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Karakoç, Ekrem, and Zeki Sarıgil. "Why Religious People Support Ethnic Insurgency? Kurds, Religion and Support for the PKK." Politics and Religion 13, no. 2 (2019): 245–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048319000312.

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AbstractThis study challenges a dominant view that religion constrains the support for an ethnic insurgency. It argues that observing the discrepancy between religious brotherhood discourses of ethnic majority state and discrimination and inter-ethnic inequality in the social, political, and economic sphere as a result of the long-standing securitization of minority rights increase skepticism toward government among religious minorities. This long-term perception makes them receptive to the messages of an insurgent group that claims to fight for cultural and political rights of an ethnic minor

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Mironova, Vera, and Sam Whitt. "Public Tolerance of Retributive Violence against Insurgencies." International Studies Quarterly 65, no. 2 (2021): 448–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqab022.

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Abstract What drives public support for retributive violence against insurgents, a desire for revenge or security? We consider the case of suspected Islamic State (ISIS) militants in Mosul Iraq. Using survey experiments, we inquire about public support for judicial as well as extrajudicial violence against insurgent combatants. We sample among ordinary civilians in Mosul who lived under ISIS rule as well as ISIS-affiliated families in displacement camps outside Mosul. We find that many Mosul civilians are highly tolerant of retributive violence against insurgents, but this tolerance is driven

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Jumbert, Maria Gabrielsen, and David Lanz. "Globalised rebellion: the Darfur insurgents and the world." Journal of Modern African Studies 51, no. 2 (2013): 193–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x13000177.

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ABSTRACTThis article is concerned with the rebellion in Darfur as a way to illustrate the politics of insurgency in the era of globalisation. We first show how the Darfur rebels have projected their struggle onto the world stage, before examining the effects that this has engendered. On the one hand, Darfur's global profile solidified the rebels' cause and co-opted international actors in support of it. This translated into real leverage for the rebels, and it constrained the Sudanese government by reducing its ability to use brute force. At the same time, internationalisation encouraged the D

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Staniland, Paul. "Between a Rock and a Hard Place." Journal of Conflict Resolution 56, no. 1 (2012): 16–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002711429681.

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Ethnic insurgents sometimes defect to join forces with the state during civil wars. Ethnic defection can have important effects on conflict outcomes, but its causes have been understudied. Using Sunni defection in Iraq as a theory-developing case, this article offers a theory of “fratricidal flipping” that identifies lethal competition between insurgent factions as an important cause of defection. It examines the power of the fratricidal-flipping mechanism against competing theories in the cases of Kashmir and Sri Lanka. These wars involve within-conflict variation in defection across groups a

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JOHNSON, N. F., D. E. JOHNSON, and E. M. RESTREPO. "Modelling insurgent attack dynamics across geographic scales and in cyberspace." European Journal of Applied Mathematics 27, no. 3 (2015): 357–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956792515000388.

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We discuss the emergence of common mathematical patterns governing the timing and severity of insurgent and terrorist attacks, across geographic scales and including cyberspace. We present mathematical models that provide a generative explanation of these patterns. Despite wide variations in the underlying settings and circumstances, the ubiquity of these patterns suggests there is a common way in which groups of humans fight each other. Our empirical findings follow from the analysis of myriad state-of-the-art datasets with resolution at the level of individual attacks, while our mathematical

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Shapiro, Jacob N., and Nils B. Weidmann. "Is the Phone Mightier Than the Sword? Cellphones and Insurgent Violence in Iraq." International Organization 69, no. 2 (2015): 247–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818314000423.

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AbstractDoes improved communication provided by modern cellphone technology affect the rise or fall of violence during insurgencies? A priori predictions are ambiguous; introducing cellphones can enhance insurgent communications but can also make it easier for the population to share information with counterinsurgents and creates opportunities for signals intelligence collection. We provide the first systematic micro-level test of the effect of cellphone communication on conflict using data on Iraq's cellphone network (2004–2009) and event data on violence. We show that increased mobile commun

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Deglow, Annekatrin, and Ralph Sundberg. "To Blame or to Support? Large-scale Insurgent Attacks on Civilians and Public Trust in State Institutions." International Studies Quarterly 65, no. 2 (2021): 435–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqab021.

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Abstract While there is a substantial body of literature on the consequences of terror attacks on public attitudes toward state institutions in Western democracies, little is known about the impact that such events have in the context of armed conflict. We address this gap by exploring the attitudinal effects of a 2012 Taliban attack on civilians in Kabul City, Afghanistan. We test two competing hypotheses: the “rally-effect” hypothesis according to which individuals increase their trust in incumbent institutions in the aftermath of violent attacks and the “accountability” hypothesis according

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Askary, Pouria, and Katayoun Hosseinnejad. "Non-State Courts: Illegal or Conditional?" Journal of International Humanitarian Legal Studies 10, no. 2 (2019): 240–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18781527-01002001.

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The Islamic State of Iraq and Levant (Da’esh) has put in place a governance system encompassing judicial structures to justify its grotesque violence. This paper seeks to evaluate the legitimacy of these courts under two complementary perspectives. Whereas establishing courts by an insurgent group during armed conflict should meet the requirements of international humanitarian law (ihl), because Da’esh claims to ground its laws on Islam, these courts should also follow the requirements of Islam as its constituting law. The paper starts with analysing whether international law entitles armed gr

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Pushkin, Ihar. "BELARUSIANS AND UKRAINIANS IN ANTI-SOVIET LOCAL ARMED CONFLICTS ON THE TERRITORY OF SOVIET BELARUS (1920–1930S)." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 28 (2021): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2021.28.15.

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The article is devoted to the study of anti-Soviet resistance in Belarus in the 1920s and 1930s. For the last twenty years this topic has been silenced in the official scientific publications of the Republic of Belarus. Most documents on armed anti-Soviet resistance are kept in the KGB archives, to which a researcher in the Republic of Belarus has limited access. The author analyzes the participation of the Belarusian population in anti-Soviet local armed conflicts. The vast majority of actions of the Bolshevik government brutally violated the traditional way of life, which caused outrage amon

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Paul, Christopher. "As a Fish Swims in the Sea: Relationships Between Factors Contributing to Support for Terrorist or Insurgent Groups." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 33, no. 6 (2010): 488–510. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576101003752630.

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Moore, Pauline. "When do ties bind? Foreign fighters, social embeddedness, and violence against civilians." Journal of Peace Research 56, no. 2 (2019): 279–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343318804594.

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How do foreign fighters affect civilian victimization in the civil wars they join? Scholars of civil war have gone to great lengths to explain why states and insurgent groups victimize civilians, but they have not explicitly examined the impact of foreign combatants. Furthermore, while contemporary conventional wisdom attaches an overwhelmingly negative connotation to foreign fighters, history shows that the behavior of those who travel to fight in wars far from home varies significantly, especially when it comes to interacting with local populations. To address this variation, I demonstrate h

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Jabareen, Yosef. "The right to space production and the right to necessity: Insurgent versus legal rights of Palestinians in Jerusalem." Planning Theory 16, no. 1 (2016): 6–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1473095215591675.

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The major problem with theories of the right to the city is that they inherently assume that states are the sole provider of rights and that, in liberal–democratic countries, legal rights are conceptually universal and apply to all individuals equally. I challenge these assumptions and maintain that in some situations, when the state and its governing apparatus violate or deny the very basic rights of a social or ethnic collective, the group itself becomes an alternative source of informal rights. I conceive this violation of basic needs as a necessity state of affairs, which constitutes a tru

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MAGALONI, BEATRIZ, EDGAR FRANCO-VIVANCO, and VANESSA MELO. "Killing in the Slums: Social Order, Criminal Governance, and Police Violence in Rio de Janeiro." American Political Science Review 114, no. 2 (2020): 552–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055419000856.

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State interventions against organized criminal groups (OCGs) sometimes work to improve security, but often exacerbate violence. To understand why, this article offers a theory about criminal governance in five types of criminal regimes—Insurgent, Bandit, Symbiotic, Predatory, and Split. These differ according to whether criminal groups confront or collude with state actors, abuse or cooperate with the community, and hold a monopoly or contest territory with rival OCGs. Police interventions in these criminal regimes pose different challenges and are associated with markedly different local secu

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Askew, Marc. "Landscapes of fear, horizons of trust: Villagers dealing with danger in Thailand's insurgent south." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 40, no. 1 (2009): 59–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463409000046.

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Thai Buddhist and Malay Muslim neighbours in Thailand's Muslim-majority deep south face the challenge of managing everyday life in the midst of an enigmatic insurgency where both ethno-religious groups are victims of violence, but where the assailants are difficult to identify. This ethnographically-focused paper examines horizons of trust and suspicion as villagers confront threats to their safety, negotiate state authorities and encounter broader narratives about identity, allegiance and enemies. Although fear and suspicion sparked by the current violence have generated Buddhist–Muslim tensi

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Maoz, Zeev, and Belgin San-Akca. "Rivalry and State Support of Non-State Armed Groups (NAGs), 1946-20011." International Studies Quarterly 56, no. 4 (2012): 720–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2478.2012.00759.x.

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Somer, Jonathan. "Jungle justice: passing sentence on the equality of belligerents in non-international armed conflict." International Review of the Red Cross 89, no. 867 (2007): 655–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383107001221.

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AbstractA special challenge posed by the international humanitarian law (IHL) principle of equality of belligerents in the context of non-international armed conflict is the capacity of armed opposition groups to pass sentences on individuals for acts related to the hostilities. Today this situation is conflated by the concurrent application of international human rights and criminal law. The fair trial provisions of IHL can incorporate their human rights equivalents either qua human rights law or by analogy, recognizing that human rights law does not account for the anomalous relationship bet

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Sinha, Babli. "Collective suffering and the possibility of empathy in Karan Mahajan’s The Association of Small Bombs and Kiran Desai’s The Inheritance of Loss." Journal of Commonwealth Literature 54, no. 2 (2018): 292–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021989417741185.

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This article argues that Karan Mahajan’s The Association of Small Bombs and Kiran Desai’s The Inheritance of Loss depart from conventional literary representations of the suffering of neoliberal subjects because they focus on collective rather than individual experiences of abjection. Emphasizing the breakdown in state services, the rise in insurgent groups, and the monetization of human life, the novels consider the possibility of empathy in a society structured by self-preoccupation and extreme inequality. The article compares how the two novels imagine coping with the condition of abjection

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EARLE, LUCY. "From Insurgent to Transgressive Citizenship: Housing, Social Movements and the Politics of Rights in São Paulo." Journal of Latin American Studies 44, no. 1 (2012): 97–126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x11001118.

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AbstractThis article examines the rhetoric and practice of a large social movement organised around low-income housing in the city of São Paulo, Brazil. Making explicit the relationship between housing and citizenship, the União de Movimentos de Moradia (Alliance of Housing Movements) articulates a ‘politics of rights’ with which it calls on the state to uphold the constitutional right to housing, and legitimates its high-profile occupations of abandoned buildings in the centre of the city. The article engages with James Holston's historical examination of homeowners’ struggles on the peripher

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Rosenthal, Naomi, David McDonald, Michele Ethier, Meryl Fingrutd, and Roberta Karant. "Structural Tensions in The Nineteenth Century Women's Movement." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 2, no. 1 (1997): 21–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.2.1.j013483258402309.

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The organizational affiliations of four groups of nineteenth century women in New York State provide the basis for an exploration of tensions between local and national level organizations within a social movement. Information about overlapping membership among women's organizations over a period of almost seventy years is used to map the geography of connections between organizations affiliated with the early women's movement and other voluntary groups. In particular, we explore the connections of the movement's organizations to non-insurgent voluntarism in each setting, describing the range

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Carter, David B. "A Blessing or a Curse? State Support for Terrorist Groups." International Organization 66, no. 1 (2012): 129–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818311000312.

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AbstractLittle existing work has systematically examined the factors that help terrorist groups survive or contribute to their failure. State support for terrorist groups is commonly thought to be a factor that helps groups to survive. I demonstrate with newly collected data that state sponsorship is not always helpful to terrorist groups. The resources provided by sponsors increase a group's ability to maintain itself internally. However, when a group has a sponsor that provides it with safe haven, the risk of the group being forcefully eliminated by the target increases. I argue that sponsor

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MASON, T. DAVID. "Women's Participation in Central American Revolutions." Comparative Political Studies 25, no. 1 (1992): 63–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414092025001003.

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Evidence from Nicaragua and El Salvador indicates that substantial numbers of women from humble backgrounds have participated in those nations' guerrilla armies, and not simply in support roles but as combat soldiers as well. This article analyzes the dynamics of societal change by which nonelite women are mobilized for participation in guerrilla insurgencies. The rapid social, economic, and demographic changes that accompany dependent modes of development erode the stability of rural social structures and contribute to male spouse abandonment of the family. Impoverished female heads of househ

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Burdenko, E. V., and E. V. Bykasova. "STATE SUPPORT OF ENTREPRENEURSHIP IN RUSSIA." Scientific Review: Theory and Practice 10, no. 10 (2020): 2463–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.35679/2226-0226-2020-10-10-2463-2479.

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The article provides a retrospective analysis of the development of entrepreneurship in Russia from the 9th century to 2020. 4 periods in the development of small and medium-sized businesses in Russia are highlighted and the characteristics of each of the periods are given. At the first stage, the development of entrepreneurship was facilitated by the formation of cities, which became a trade center. In the 9th century, the trade route "from the Varangians to the Greeks" was actively used. The study showed that the state has always had a strong influence on the development of entrepreneurship.

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Arnoldi, Jakob, Anders Ryom Villadsen, Xin Chen, and Chaohong Na. "Multi-Level State Capitalism: Chinese State-Owned Buisness Groups." Management and Organization Review 15, no. 1 (2018): 55–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mor.2018.36.

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ABSTRACTWe argue that vertical interlocks in Chinese state-owned business groups are important mechanisms for coordination and information exchange between the apex firm and affiliated firms, and that they are also mechanisms for government owners of the business groups to exercise control. By combining resource dependence theory with elements from transaction cost economics and agency theory, we propose that the need for interlocks increases the higher the level of government ownership. The central government is therefore more likely to use vertical interlocks than the provincial governments,

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Bapat, Navin A. "Understanding State Sponsorship of Militant Groups." British Journal of Political Science 42, no. 1 (2011): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712341100007x.

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States engage in coercive diplomacy by sponsoring militant violence against their rivals. This gives militant groups’ sponsors bargaining power, but may produce moral hazard, because it can empower groups so much that sponsors cannot control them. This study develops a game theoretic model to explain why states take the risk of sponsoring militant groups. The model demonstrates that sponsorship may be a form of costly signalling that increases the probability both of bargaining failure and of a negotiated settlement favourable to the sponsor. The model further demonstrates that only moderately

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ROMANIUK, Mykhailo. "THE LIFE PATH OF IVAN CHERVAK («DNISTROVYI») - A KNIGHT OF THE SILVER CROSS OF MERIT OF THE UKRAINIAN INSURGENT ARMY." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 33 (2020): 352–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2020-33-352-363.

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The research deals with the life and military path of Ivan Chervak («Dnistrovyi») (1923–1953). He was a leading person of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists' Youth department in Stanislaviv region (now - Ivano-Frankivsk region), a political educator at the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UIA), one of the leaders of the OUN's armed underground in Zakerzonnia, the commander of a courier group that provided communication on the «Carpathians-Zakerzonnia–western zones of German occupation» line, and the Zolochiv district leader. By the Ukrainian Supreme Liberation Council's decision and the Main

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