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1
Suhassatya, Gabriel Kristiawan. "Trinitas Menurut Tertullianus dalam Buku Against Praxeas." Felicitas 2, no. 2 (October 25, 2022): 97–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.57079/feli.v2i2.79.
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The debate about the Triune God or the Trinity has existed since the time of the early Church Fathers until today. The notion of a three-person God raises many questions and debates. The debate about the Trinity has emerged in the practice of the Christian faith since the time of the Church Fathers. Inevitably this prompted the Church Fathers to formulate and always defend their faith in the Triune God, namely by believing and learning so that it can be explained to everyone. Efforts to formulate and explain the understanding of the Triune God or the Trinity was also carried out by Tertullianus. Tertullian was an early Church Father from Africa who gave many defenses and resistances against heretical teachings that contradicted Christian teachings. In addition to defending the faith, it was Tertullian who gave the name Trinity for the Triune God, namely One God with Three Persons. In this paper, the author describes the life story of Tertullianus, the theological problems that arose during Tertullian's time, and the origin of Tertullian's thoughts on the concept of the Trinity.
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Wilhite, David E. "Tertullian on the Afterlife: “Only Martyrs are in Heaven” and Other Misunderstandings." Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum / Journal of Ancient Christianity 24, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 490–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zac-2020-0051.
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Abstract Perpetua only saw martyrs in heaven, according to Tertullian, De anima 55,4. This passage has perplexed scholars, since Tertullian seems to be referring to Saturus’s vision, not Perpetua’s (Passio Perpetuae et Felicitatis 13,8). Additionally, Tertullian’s citation is part of his larger argument against the Valentinians, in which he makes the peculiar claim that the souls of the dead are “below” (inferi) with the exception of the martyrs who are in Paradise. I contend that Tertullian’s claim has been misunderstood in the last few decades of scholarship because of a failure to contextualize his remark within his rhetorical strategy. Disentangling Tertullian’s convictions from his rhetoric is notoriously difficult, and yet by reading Tertullian as fully immersed in the tactics from the Second Sophistic Movement recent scholars have made great advances in our understanding of this North African Christian writer. Several of Tertullian’s other works provide counter-evidence to the idea that only martyrs go to heaven: specifically, Tertullian further defines “heaven,” its location, and its occupants; additionally, Tertullian clarifies who is a “martyr” in his wider oeuvre. When Tertullian’s own teachings on the afterlife are retrieved, then one can re-read De anima to see how Tertullian has cloaked these with rhetorical devices meant to refute the Valentinian notion of the soul’s ascent through multiple heavens. This idea that Tertullian believed only martyrs gain immediate access to heaven—which has often been repeated in the most recent century’s secondary literature—is itself a misunderstanding of earlier modern scholarship.
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Edwards, Jordan H. "Tertullian’s Views on Women." Evangelical Quarterly 90, no. 4 (April 26, 2019): 317–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-09004003.
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Tertullian was a brilliant author and defender of the faith in Roman North Africa during the early third century, but his views on women have not been equally well-received and often are dismissed entirely on the basis of a few statements. These statements, frequently taken out of context, have led many scholars to label him as the first Christian misogynist. However, Tertullian’s views on women are far more nuanced than he is given credit for by most interpreters. Rather than hating women and demeaning them as individuals, Tertullian instead viewed them through a particular lens of his cultural context. This context does not excuse Tertullian entirely, but a charitable reading of his overall approach that examines Tertullian’s comments concerning the inherent worth of women, beauty, and marriage reveals that Tertullian actually honored women who lived their lives fully dedicated to the Lord.
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Ambrozy, Marián. "Corporealism as an Ontological Position and Its Involvement in the Thought of Tertullian." Religions 12, no. 7 (July 15, 2021): 534. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12070534.
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This paper aims to examine the meaning, role, inspirations, and place of corporealism in Tertullian’s system of thought. The extent to which corporealism is a basic philosophical belief in Tertullian’s work and to what extent it is a particular element of his theological doctrine is questioned. It presents the named ontological position as a rare specificity within the range of early Christian thought, especially in Tertullian’s works De anima and De carne Cristi. This paper makes a clear distinction between corporealism and materialism, as it tries to determine the degree of influence of Stoic philosophy, especially ontology, on Tertullian, as well as the influence of Aristotle in selected areas. In this context, his traducianism is also examined. In the ontological context, the status of the soul and God in Tertullian thought is also presented. In connection with the metaphysical problem of creation, the article also touches on the question of creatio ex nihilo as a problem on which Tertullian had to take a stand. It investigates the role of corporealism in Tertullian’s polemic against Marcion, Apelles, and the Valentinian Gnosis by mapping which elements in the teachings of these representatives and Gnosis, especially (but not exclusively) Valentinian, could provoke Tertullian to controversy. This paper holds the opinion that Tertullian’s corporealism was due to his theological views and controversy with opponents, which were used as philosophical inspiration, especially stoic inspiration, but was used mainly in the service of his theological thinking and strategic needs for argumentation.
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Kołosowski, Tadeusz. "„Ubi tres, ecclesia est, licet laici". Duchowieństwo a laikat we wspólnocie kartagińskiej według Tertuliana." Vox Patrum 42 (January 15, 2003): 119–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.7147.
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Tertullian war durch den ganzen Zeitraum seines Lebens und Schaffens der Sprecher der Diszipłin. Er bemerkte in der christlichen Gemeinschaft diese, die leiten sie, und andere, die sind ihnen unterordnen. Bischofe, Priester und Diakone gehoren zu erster Gruppe. Die Bischofe leiten besonders die Kirche und sie sind Seelsorger. Sie bewahren auch „munera sacerdotałia". Diesem Gesetz des Bischofs verleugnete Tertullian niemals deutlich. Als zweite, separate Gruppe in der christlichen Gemeinschaft spezifiziert Tertullian die Laien. „Laici", ein mal verheiratete Manner, die zu „ordo Ecclesie" (Kirchrangordnung) nicht gehoren, haben auch die priesterliche Wurde. Die priesterliche Wurde der Glaubigen hat der allgemeine Charakter. Die priesterliche Funktionen uben in der christlichen Gemeinschaft Bischofe, Priester und Diakone, mit der Rucksicht auf der Disziplin und der Ordnung in der Kirche. In den notwendigen Zufallen uben es auch die Laien, das heiBt die Manner. Tertullian lehnt deutlich das Gesetz der Frauen die priesterliche Funktionen auszuuben ab. Trotz der deutlichen Absonderung durch Tertullian zwei Zustande in der Kirche, ist die Linie der Aufteilung zwischen Geistlichern und Laien in den Zeiten Tertullians in dem Grund der Sache genug gelaufig.
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Filipowicz, Adam M. "Poglądy Tertuliana na temat początków życia ludzkiego i aborcji." Vox Patrum 48 (June 15, 2005): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.8709.
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This dissertation takes analyses of Tertullian's treatise On the Soul in aspects of beginning human life and abortion in context of ancient Greek philosopher’s opinions. The article shows arguments which Tertullian used to prove that embryo have a soul so is alive and human life begins in moment of conception so man is not only body and is not only soul but is substantial union of flesh and corporal soul. The article also presents pronounces about conception of soul from psychical semen (Tertullian as tarducianist) and about abortion which Tertullian calls crime but permits as necessary in case when bad laying child could become killer of own mother during birth.
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Wysocki, Marcin. "Zmartwychwstanie ciała według Tertuliana." Verbum Vitae 15 (January 14, 2009): 295–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vv.1519.
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Resurrection was one of the most important themes in the writings of Tertullian (ca 150 - 220), who is called sometimes "theologian of the hope". Presented paper presents teaching of the first theologian of the West on resurrection of the body. In the article's first part the historical (i.e. persecutions and believes in resurrection before Tertullian) and doctrinal background (heresies) of his works on the resurrection is shown, than - in the next section - vocabulary, which were used by Tertullian to describe phenomenon of the resurrection. In the forth part author presents the main points of Tertullian's view of resurrection of the body. In the fifth chapter connections between resurrection and martyrdom are presented.
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McCruden, Kevin B. "Monarchy and economy in Tertullian's Adversus Praxeam." Scottish Journal of Theology 55, no. 3 (August 2002): 325–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930602000340.
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This essay explores the deeper theological presuppositions foundational to Tertullian's defense of the Logos-theology in the Adversus Praxeam. After providing a brief description and historical contextualization of the monarchian argument that Tertullian opposes, this essay then explores the unique manner in which Tertullian attempts to redefine the notion of the divine monarchy through a renewed understanding of the divine economy. This essay proposes that Tertullian reflects upon the notion of the economy in a decidedly internal fashion, emphasizing the inner relations within the depths of the divine, in order both to preserve the idea of the Father's invisibility, and to steer away from a model of the economy as historically conceived.
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Turek, Waldemar. "Godność ciała ludzkiego według Tertuliana. Analiza komentarzy do tekstów Rdz 1, 26-27; 2, 8; 1Kor 3, 16." Vox Patrum 63 (July 15, 2015): 63–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3547.
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The present paper discusses the dignity of human body as treated in selected texts from Tertullian’s De resurrectione mortuorum and Adversus Marcionem. Because Tertullian argues primarily on the basis of Sacred Scripture, special consideration will be given to his exegesis of Genesis 1: 26-27 and 2: 8. Tertullian demonstrates that the creation of the human body is the direct work of God who creates it, precisely with the future Incarnation of his beloved Son already in mind. Tertullian describes, against Marcion, the dignity of the human body as ensuing from the gift of freedom which man received from God at the act of creation. The human body is the instrument through which man receives spiritual gifts. We therefore can call it the „foundation of salvation”. In his polemic against the followers of Plato and the gnostics, Tertullian demonstrates that the human body and the entire „man” is called to be a temple of God (cf. 1Cor 3: 16).
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Hengstmengel, Joost. "Geloven omdat het absurd is. Tertullianus als wegbereider van het fideïsme?" NTT Journal for Theology and the Study of Religion 71, no. 3 (August 18, 2017): 218–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/ntt2017.71.218.heng.
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Summary The early-Christian writer Tertullian is commonly associated with the statement ‘credo quia absurdum’ ‐ I believe because it is absurd. However, this sentence (first ascribed to him in the early-modern period) cannot be found in Tertullian’s work. As this article seeks to demonstrate, the very idea behind it is neither in line with his conception of the relationship between faith and reason. The same Tertullian who decries the Greek philosophy of ‘Athens’ builds on Stoic views to reinforce and clarify his theological positions. Rather than as a total rejection of ancient philosophy, his preference for ‘Jerusalem’ should therefore be read as a critique of the way in which some Greek philosophers philosophized and the unchristian conclusions that they reached. Tertullian did not shun philosophical argumentation as such. As a matter of fact, his argument based on absurdity resembles one the rhetorical tropes described in Aristotle’s Rhetoric. The real conflict in Tertullian is that between the divine wisdom from heaven and the worldly wisdom of the heretics.
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Litfin, Bryan M. "Tertullian on the Trinity." Perichoresis 17, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/perc-2019-0012.
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Abstract Tertullian is often portrayed as a prescient figure who accurately anticipated the Nicene consensus about the Trinity. But when he is examined against the background of his immediate predecessors, he falls into place as a typical second-century Logos theologian. He drew especially from Theophilus of Antioch, Justin Martyr, and Irenaeus of Lyons. At the same time, Tertullian did introduce some important innovations. His trinitarian language of ‘substance’ and ‘person’, rooted in Stoic metaphysics, offered the church a new way to be monotheistic while retaining the full deity and consubstantiality of the Word. Tertullian also significantly developed the concept of a divine oikonomia, God’s plan to create and redeem the world. The Son and Spirit are emissaries of the Father’s will—not ontologically inferior to him, yet ranked lower in the way that the sent are always subordinate to the sender. For this reason, Tertullian denied that a Father/Son relationship was eternal within the Trinity, seeing it rather as a new development emerging from God’s plan to make the world. Such temporal paternity and filiation distances Tertullian from the eventual Nicene consensus, which accepted instead the eternal generation theory of Origen. While Tertullian did propose some important terms that would gain traction among the Nicene fathers, he was also marked by a subordinationist tendency that had affinities with Arianism. Tertullian’s most accurate anticipation of Nicaea was his insistence on three co-eternal and consubstantial Persons. Historical theologians need to start admitting that Tertullian was a far cry from being fully Nicene. Rather, he offered a clever but still imperfect half-step toward what would become official orthodoxy..
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Lane, Anthony. "Tertullianus Totus Noster? Calvin's Use Of Tertullian." Reformation & Renaissance Review 4, no. 1 (July 2002): 9–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/rrr.v4i1.9.
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Wysocki, Marcin. "Eschatologiczna nagroda w pismach Tertuliana." Vox Patrum 52, no. 2 (March 10, 2008): 1269–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.6500.
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Tertullian (ca. 155-225) very often is described as a rigorist, who is burning with vengeance. Although for him the coming end is above all a time of reckoning., in his writings, as „the theologian of the hope” - as Erie Osborn has called him - a lot of thoughts about future reward can be found. In this paper the Tertullian’s teaching about eschatological reward is presented. Among his ideas of the future life the idea of resurrection of the body is found as the most important. And as the result of it Tertullian amplifies his teaching about heaven, as the being with God and Christ, as the banquet in the Kingdom of God. According to Tertullian it will be one reward - eternal life - but in different characters. The special place in his system of eschatological reward is granted to martyrs.
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Roth, Dieter. "Did Tertullian Possess a Greek Copy or Latin Translation of Marcion's Gospel?" Vigiliae Christianae 63, no. 5 (2009): 429–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007208x383583.
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AbstractIn his significant work on Marcion, Adolf von Harnack was the first to advance the view that Tertullian employed a Latin translation of Marcion's Euangelion when writing Adversus Marcionem. This view was quickly embraced and subsequently accepted by numerous scholars throughout the twentieth century. However, several scholars, most recently those focusing on Marcion's Apostolikon, have argued against the various attempts to advance Harnack's view. In particular, Ulrich Schmid's recent study of both the similarities and differences of the vocabulary of Tertullian's citations from his own and the Marcionite scriptures demonstrated that it is much more probable that Tertullian was translating Marcion's text ad hoc from a Greek copy of Marcion's Apostolikon. This article undertakes a similar examination of the vocabulary in Marcion's Gospel, which reveals that it in all likelihood Tertullian was working from a Greek copy, and not a Latin translation, of this text as well.
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Cruciat, Diego. "Tertulliano e la filosofia." Augustinianum 56, no. 2 (2016): 347–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm201656222.
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Tertullian is an important participant in the early dialogue between Christian faith and Latin culture. The aim of this article is to provide some elements useful in reconstructing the idea of philosophia in the writings of this apologist, following a metaphilosophical approach. After briefly presenting the occurrences of philosophical terms (listed in the Appendix), the Author proposes that Tertullian conceives of philosophia as an erroneous form of knowledge, which is not capable of adequately dealing with reality. Considering Tertullian’s thought from a metaphilosophical perspective could therefore be conducive to better understanding and explaining his negative view of philosophy.
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Wilhite, David E. "Was Marcion a Docetist? The Body of Evidence vs. Tertullian’s Argument." Vigiliae Christianae 71, no. 1 (January 5, 2017): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341272.
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There is no credible evidence that Marcion was a docetist. Marcion’s alleged belief that Christ was a phantasm is found in accusations made by Tertullian, but these accusations are a form of reductio ad absurdum and not firsthand information on Marcion’s Christology. There are in fact remnants of data in Tertullian’s Adversus Marcionem, which point to Marcion’s teaching about the material flesh of Christ, a flesh that suffers and dies on the cross. Tertullian dismisses these artifacts as proof that Marcion was foolishly inconsistent: he taught docetism, but still accepted Christ’s suffering and death. Scholars should no longer accept Tertullian’s caricature uncritically, especially in light of the overwhelming amount of other second and third century sources that are unanimously silent about any docetic thinking in Marcion. Moreover, much of the confusion in modern scholarship is shown to derive from Adolf von Harnack’s equivocating explanations about Marcion’s alleged docetism.
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Huerta Rodríguez, Jesús Caos. "La recepción de Isaías 43.20 en Adversus Marcionem de Tertuliano: las sirenas como un tipo de los “gentiles” y como un caso de hibridismo cultural." Philologica Canariensia, no. 28 (2022) (May 31, 2022): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.20420/phil.can.2022.466.
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Tertullian in his work Adversus Marcionem quotes Isaiah 43.20, which is peculiar because it documents a reference to sirens. This article aims to review Tertullian’s interpretation of Isaiah’s text to determine possible sources. A historical-philological methodology is followed where initially the text’s meaning is defined through the author’s context and then approaches to the cultural horizon of the Patristics of the first centuries. The evidence reveals a close relationship with Clement of Alexandria; consequently, the existence of a common cultural background between the two writers can be inferred. Thus, Tertullian ends up participating in the same process of cultural hybridization as other authors of his time.
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Huerta Rodríguez, Jesús Caos. "La recepción de Isaías 43.20 en Adversus Marcionem de Tertuliano: las sirenas como un tipo de los “gentiles” y como un caso de hibridismo cultural." Philologica Canariensia, no. 28 (2022) (May 31, 2022): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.20420/10.20420/phil.can.2022.466.
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Tertullian in his work Adversus Marcionem quotes Isaiah 43.20, which is peculiar because it documents a reference to sirens. This article aims to review Tertullian’s interpretation of Isaiah’s text to determine possible sources. A historical-philological methodology is followed where initially the text’s meaning is defined through the author’s context and then approaches to the cultural horizon of the Patristics of the first centuries. The evidence reveals a close relationship with Clement of Alexandria; consequently, the existence of a common cultural background between the two writers can be inferred. Thus, Tertullian ends up participating in the same process of cultural hybridization as other authors of his time.
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Atkins, Jed W. "Tertullian on ‘The Freedom of Religion’." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 37, no. 1 (January 17, 2020): 145–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340261.
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Abstract Tertullian first coined the phrase ‘the freedom of religion’. This article considers what this entails. I argue that Tertullian’s discussion of religious liberty derives its theoretical significance from his creative repurposing of the Roman idea of liberty as non-domination. Tertullian contends that the Roman magistrates’ treatment of Christian citizens and loyal subjects amounts to tyrannical domination characterized by the absence of the traditional conditions for non-domination: the rule of law, rule in and responsive to the interests of the people, and citizens’ rights. On his reworking of these criteria, he argues that citizens and loyal subjects should have the right to act publicly on the convictions of their conscience even if these actions conflict with the state’s civil religion. Tertullian shows that non-domination is a highly flexible idea that does not necessarily entail the participatory ‘free state’ of republicanism. Moreover, by applying the logic of non-domination to questions surrounding religious liberty, he opens up an important avenue of investigation largely ignored in the contemporary republican literature on non-domination.
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Kaufman, Peter Iver. "Tertullian on Heresy, History, and the Reappropriation of Revelation." Church History 60, no. 2 (June 1991): 167–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167523.
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Tertullian understood the apostle Paul to have suggested there would always be heretics (1 Cor. 11:19), and he presumed God had supplied scripture for their use. Without sacred literature heretics would have nothing of consequence to misread. Without contests over critical passages, there could be no winners, no losers—no heretics.1 The difficulty, Tertullian acknowledged, was that heretics were the poorest of losers; they never conceded defeat. He advised against trying to take (or take back) scripture passage by passage. The only way to get the best of heretics and get on with the work of interpreting texts correctly was to deny heretics' right to appeal to scripture.2 It had been supplied for them, but only to enable wayward expositors to identify themselves as heretics. This was Tertullian's version of “enough rope.” Heretics' expositions showed others how far the expositors deviated from the precious tradition originating with the apostles, and to assist those others apologists introduced a rule of faith condensing the apostles' instruction and tradition. Tertullian's several presentations of the rule of faith raise important questions; discrepancies prompt suspicion that no precise formulation or rule inspired consensus, that rules were rather makeshift. At the time, however, Tertullian obviously was more interested in another discrepancy, the one between his rule(s) expressing Christianity's incontrovertible truths and the opinions and exegesis of benighted heretics, for God provided heretics, apologists, and controversy to keep traditional or “regular” Christianity advancing on its proper course.3 Tertullian's confidence in the advance of Christianity is the subject of this paper. How did he come by it and just how did he relate the persistence of heresy to the progress of Christianity?
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Ferguson, Everett. "Tertullian." Expository Times 120, no. 7 (April 2009): 313–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524609103464.
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Otten, Willemien. "Christ's Birth of a Virgin Who Became a Wife: Flesh and Speech in Tertullian's De Carne Christi." Vigiliae Christianae 51, no. 3 (1997): 247–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007297x00183.
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AbstractThis article explores the powerful efficacy of Tertullian's theological discourse in his treatise De came Christi. Departing from the conventional wisdom of evaluating early Christian theological texts according to their adherence to formal rhetorical models, which makes them vulnerable to postmodern criticism, this article advocates an alternative approach. It analyzes Tertullian's arguments by relating them directly to his central topic of discussion: the flesh of Christ. Tertullian's insistence on the physical concreteness of Christ's flesh, which connects Christ's human birth inseparably with his death and resurrection, serves to underscore what he calls "the law for our resurrection" (ch. 1). The article demonstrates that the physical concreteness of Christ's flesh so dominates Tertullian's theological discourse that it underlies even his well-known use of paradox. An example is found when Tertullian makes the truth of Christ's resurrection following his crucifixion dependent on how it mocks wordly wisdom (ch. 5). The article reveals specifically how a view of Tertullian's discourse as pivoting on the concreteness of Christ's flesh sheds light on his arguments regarding Christ's birth of a virgin (chs. 17-23). For Tertullian, Christ's flesh can only lay down the law for humanity's bodily resurrection if the divine Word heeds the "law of the opened body" (ch. 23) by undergoing a fully human birth. In his logic Christ's exit into this world, which opened his mother's womb, caused Mary to change from virgin to wife. Since Christ's birth is thus itself a signum contradicibile, Tertullian's discourse is stripped of its former dependence on paradoxes to describe its salvific novelty, gaining a new-found accuracy instead.
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Dunn, Geoffrey. "Rhetoric and Tertullian's De Virginibus Velandis." Vigiliae Christianae 59, no. 1 (2005): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570072053623414.
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AbstractTertullian's de Virginibus Velandis is not simply a somewhat neglected ascetic treatise but a rhetorical treatise about asceticism. The use of classical rhetoric as a modern interpretative tool for early Christian literature is common, although, as witnessed in an article recentlyin this journal, not without its critics. In this deliberative treatise Tertullian argued from Scripture (3.5c-6.3), natural law (7.1-8.4) and Christian discipline (9.1-15.3) that from puberty Christian female virgins ought to be veiled when in public. The custom of some Carthaginian virginsnot being veiled when the church gathered was attacked as being contrary to the truth. What we find is Tertullian's overwhelming concern for fidelity to the regula fidei. The presence of a well-developed rhetorical structure in de Virginibus Velandis is an argument for datingit after de Oratione, where Tertullian made some similar points, though in a less cohesive and more rudimentary manner.
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Ensor, Peter. "Tertullian and penal substitutionary atonement." Evangelical Quarterly 86, no. 2 (April 26, 2014): 130–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-08602003.
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This article argues that the writings of Tertullian imply that Christ’s atoning death on the cross was a work of penal substitution. Having noted the importance of the cross in Tertullian’s thought, the contexts in which references to the cross are found in his writings, and the salvific effects which he attributes to the cross, the article examines some specific passages which are most naturally understood to imply a penal substitutionary understanding of the significance of the cross. The article therefore strengthens the view, already held on the grounds of similar studies of the atonement teaching of Justin Martyr and Clement of Alexandria, that the penal substitutionary understanding of the atoning work of Christ on the cross was widely held in the post-apostolic Church.
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Paschke, Boris A. "Tertullian on Liturgical Prayer to Christ: New Insights from De Spect. 25.5 and Apol. 2.6." Vigiliae Christianae 66, no. 1 (2012): 20–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007211x563534.
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Abstract So far, scholarship on early Christian liturgical prayer to Christ has neglected two relevant texts of Tertullian: De Spect. 25.5 and Apol. 2.6. This article points out that both texts reflect Tertullian’s awareness and approval of the liturgical practice of addressing Christ in prayer. It is suggested that in the pre-Arian period, liturgical prayer to Christ was more accepted, prevalent, and established than is commonly held in scholarship.
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Pap, Levente. "Stoic Virtues in Tertullian’s Works and Their Relation to Cicero." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Philologica 6, no. 1 (December 1, 2014): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ausp-2015-0001.
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Abstract Q. S. F. Tertullian was one of the most prominent writers and apologists of the early Christian Church. He had two important goals with his works: on the one hand, to introduce, according to the spirit of the age, the Christian teachings embedded in contemporary Roman culture; on the other hand, to highlight and emphasize the difference between the Christian teachings and the pagan ideas. This dichotomy is characteristic of his ethical teachings as well: while he emphasizes the importance of the Christian virtues, he does not forget about their philosophical background either. Tertullian demonstrably considered Stoic philosophy as the most acceptable philosophical thinking. Virtues have an important status in the teachings of the stoic body, just as they are a fundamental part of Christian ethics. The question arises whether Tertullian’s views on virtues could have been influenced by his pagan Roman ancestor, M. T. Cicero, who also shared stoic doctrines. This is the question the present lecture tries to answer.
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Harrison, Peter. "“I Believe Because it is Absurd”: The Enlightenment Invention of Tertullian'sCredo." Church History 86, no. 2 (June 2017): 339–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640717000531.
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Tertullian is widely regarded as having originated the expressionCredo quia absurdum (est)(I believe because it is absurd) and the phrase often appears in contemporary polemics about the rationality of religious belief. Patristic scholars have long pointed out that Tertullian never said this or meant anything like it. However, little scholarly attention has been paid to the circumstances in which this specific phrase came into existence and why, in spite of its dubious provenance, it continues to be regarded by many as a legitimate characterization of religious faith. This paper shows how Tertullian's original expression—“It is certain, because impossible”—was first misrepresented and modified in the early modern period. In seventeenth century England a “credo” version—I believebecause it is impossible—became the common form of Tertullian's maxim. A further modification, building on the first, was effected by the EnlightenmentphilosopheVoltaire, who added the “absurdity condition” and gave us the modern version of the paradox: I believebecause it is absurd. These modifications played a significant role in Enlightenment representations of religion as irrational, and signal the beginning of a new understanding of faith as an epistemic vice. This doubtful maxim continues to play a role in debates about the cognitive status of religious faith, and its failure to succumb to the historical evidence against it is owing to its ongoing rhetorical usefulness in such debates.
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Tuggy, Dale. "Tertullian the Unitarian." European Journal for Philosophy of Religion 8, no. 3 (September 23, 2016): 179–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.24204/ejpr.v8i3.1693.
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Tertullian is often celebrated as an early trinitarian, or at least a near- trinitarian, proto-trinitarian, or trinitarian with unfortunate ‘subordinationist’ tendencies. In this paper I shall show that Tertullian was a unitarian, and not at all a trinitarian.
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ARKINS, BRIAN. "YEATS AND TERTULLIAN." Notes and Queries 35, no. 3 (September 1, 1988): 341—a—341. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/35-3-341a.
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Carnelley, Elizabeth. "Tertullian and Feminism." Theology 92, no. 745 (January 1989): 31–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x8909200106.
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Harrison, Carol. "Book Reviews : Tertullian." Expository Times 109, no. 8 (May 1998): 247. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452469810900815.
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Frend, W. H. C. "Book Review: Tertullian." Theology 108, no. 844 (July 2005): 281–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x0510800410.
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Jacobson, Howard. "Tertullian and Propagation." Vigiliae Christianae 43, no. 4 (1989): 397. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007289x00290.
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Leal, Jerónimo. "La prosa métrica en Tertuliano (con un estudio estilístico del De testimonio animae)." Augustinianum 62, no. 2 (2022): 331–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm202262221.
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This paper is about the integration between metrical clausulae and rhetorical structure. First, there is a comparison of Waszink’s results using the Zielinski method with Laurand’s system, and my findings on the same group of clausulae. Secondly, we analyze the concluding words of every book of Tertullian, to identify the more frequent clausulae, and the initial words, in which we can find often a cretic. Thirdly, we analyze the metrical prose of Tertullian’s De testimonio animae, to establish a rhetorical scheme for the very first time.
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de Boer, E. A. "Tertullian on “Barnabas’ Letter to the Hebrews” in De pudicitia 20.1-5." Vigiliae Christianae 68, no. 3 (July 2, 2014): 243–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341168.
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In De pudicitia Tertullian, quoting from Hebrews 6, refers to the Barnabae titulus ad Hebraeos. This piece of primary evidence on the authorship of the Letter to the Hebrews has not received the attention it deserves. Consideration of this piece of evidence serves to clarify our understanding of the development of the diverging ascriptions, and moreover reveals some possible reasons for this divergence. The Barnabas tradition can be followed until the end of the fourth century in Spain and France. Comparison of De paenitentia and De pudicitia shows that Hebrews features only late in Tertullian’s work. His growing conviction that a second repentance after baptism cannot be terminated by acceptance in the Church was strengthened by his appeal to Hebrews 6. Finally, Tertullian’s exposition of two chapters from Leviticus on purity illustrate his reading of Hebrew as the Letter by Joseph Barnabas, a Levite.
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Brennan, Robert. "Has a Frog Human a Soul? – Huxley, Tertullian, Physicalism and the Soul, Some Historical Antecedents." Scottish Journal of Theology 66, no. 4 (October 11, 2013): 400–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930613000215.
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AbstractMuch theology presupposes a metaphysical spirit or soul, the existence of which has been questioned in contemporary neurobiological research. Green, Murphy and others argue for alternatives to metaphysical description. If the neuroscience is correct and the soul, if it exists, is not metaphysical then many theological descriptions will need serious revision or possibly even abandonment. One such theological description, directly affected and long considered to be an essential part of Christianity, is God's personal self-communication to humans. This has traditionally been understood to occur through the metaphysical human soul or spirit. The question explored in this article is whether the existence of a metaphysical soul is an all or nothing matter for Christian theology.A rational and strong challenge to the existence of metaphysical soul is demonstrably not new. Nonetheless, from the beginnings of modernity it has been generally assumed, utilising Augustinian anthropology, that the soul was a metaphysical element of human anatomy. Huxley's work on sensation, including ‘Has the Frog a Soul’, determines the anatomical location of the soul by its supposed function. Huxley questions early modernity's assumptions regarding the nature of sensation and the presumed role of the metaphysical soul within the sensorium. Huxley deduces limits and conditions on the existence of the soul and arrives at a description which has similarities to Tertullian's corporeal description of the soul. Huxley, however, does not engage with Tertullian, whose relatively orthodox description of the soul answers a number of issues that Huxley raises. Tertullian's careful revision of the Aristotelian category of corporeality is not exactly the same as Huxley's nineteenth-century materialism or contemporary physicalism. Tertullian's description of the soul is remarkably similar to Augustine's, differing mainly on the issue of corporeality and metaphysicality. Tertullian's description ironically draws on and shares the same functions as Greek philosophy and medicine. This description of the soul seems to be based more on these sources than scripture, unusually for Tertullian. Some form of reappropriation of Tertullian's non-metaphysical soul may be useful in the contemporary debate, noting the limitations of his understandings of biology and physics. It seems possible to take note, in some form, of changed and better contemporary worldviews, in order to better describe theological anthropology and in particular that element related to the soul.
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Flexsenhar, Michael. "Sought Out for Luxury, Castrated for Lust: Mistress-Slave Sex in Tertullian’s Ad Uxorem 2.8.4." Vigiliae Christianae 72, no. 5 (October 29, 2018): 484–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341372.
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Abstract While speaking to the women of his church about marriage, widowhood, and remarriage Tertullian of Carthage marshals a negative example of prosperous gentile women taking their own freedmen or slaves as their sexual partners. Common opinion is that this example was chiefly metaphorical, warning against mixed marriages between Christian women and non-Christian men. This article shows that Tertullian’s example of mistress-slave sex was a rhetorical trope also deployed in other early Christian writings that participated in a Roman literary discourse on household management (oikonomia). As such Tertullian’s example of mistress-slave sex was more than metaphorical. It sought to establish a marriage economy that regulated Christian women’s bodies for their economic resources. The example further reveals Tertullian’s economic interests in Christian marriage, tensions over gender roles and class, and a fear that some Christian women might also enter relationships with their own freedmen or slaves.
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Pierce, Alexander H. "Tertullian’s Case for the Christiani Creatoris in Adversus Marcionem." Journal of Theological Interpretation 16, no. 1 (June 1, 2022): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jtheointe.16.1.0001.
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In offering a close reading of Tertullian’s Adversus Marcionem 3–4, the present essay contends that Tertullian supports his belief that Christians are the proper continuation of God’s people in history by making a case for Christian separation from the Jews as the fulfillment of scriptural prophecy. Tertullian’s reading of the Creator’s Scriptures is his exegetical basis for forming a logic of separation between Christians and the chosen Jewish nation. This differentiation does not require an ontological bifurcation of the Creator and the God revealed in Jesus. Rather, God the Creator and Father of Jesus reveals this distinction in the operation of his providence in history and in Scripture. It is in this very separation that Christians fulfill the prophecies of the Creator God of the Hebrew Bible and religion.
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Radler, Charlotte. "The Dirty Physician: Necessary Dishonor and Fleshly Solidarity in Tertullian's Writings." Vigiliae Christianae 63, no. 4 (2009): 345–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007208x389884.
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AbstractThis article examines Tertullian's multifaceted notion of physician and his views of illness and redemptive healing, particularly his arresting re-appropriation of dirt and dishonor as the basis for restoration against Marcion's alleged conception of a pure and spiritual salvation. Tertullian inverts the dominant value paradigm by rendering the shameful and dishonorable circumstances of the flesh as the necessary signifiers of truth and redemption. His creative reconfiguration of healing through filth and shame redraws early Christian discourse on embodiment and corrects facile typologies about purity and impurity, body and soul, incarnation and salvation, and individual and society.
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Tomasiewicz, Marcin. "Polityczno-prawne inspiracje teologii trynitarnej Tertuliana." Acta Iuridica Resoviensia 35, no. 4 (2021): 383–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/actaires.2021.4.28.
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The article aims to show that the concept of the Trinity proposed by Tertullian (a Roman lawyer and theologian of the first decades of the third century) was inspired by political and legal thought. Through the concept of substance, Tertullian lays the foundation for the unity of the Trinity. At the same time, his proposed explanation of this unity bears a far-reaching similarity to the philosophical conception of monarchy in the early principate. The Greek concept of economy, which meaning Tertullian conveys using the Latin word dispensation, turns out to be the key to distinguish between Father, Son and Spirit. Both of these terms correspond very closely with the concept of administrative authority. The legacy of legal science is particularly visible in the construction of the concept of a Person. The legal concept of the persona corresponds to the functional use of the term by Tertullian, who thus sought to reflect the differentiation of Persons under one Deity.
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House, Dennis K., and David Rankin. "Tertullian and the Church." Phoenix 50, no. 2 (1996): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1192713.
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Greschat, Katharina. "Neue Literatur zu Tertullian." Theologische Rundschau 72, no. 1 (2007): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1628/004056907783269275.
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Quispel, Gilles. "Hermes Trismegistus and Tertullian." Vigiliae Christianae 43, no. 2 (1989): 188–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007289x00065.
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Osborn, Eric. "The Subtlety of Tertullian." Vigiliae Christianae 52, no. 4 (1998): 361–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007298x00236.
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Kirkland, A. "Liturgical time in Tertullian." Acta Patristica et Byzantina 6, no. 1 (January 1995): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10226486.1995.11745861.
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Adkin, Neil. "Tertullian and Jerome again1." Symbolae Osloenses 72, no. 1 (January 1997): 155–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00397679708590927.
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Malamud, Martha. "Double, Double: Two African Medeas." Ramus 41, no. 1-2 (2012): 161–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00000308.
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When Seneca's Medea flies off in her serpent-drawn chariot, shedding ruin, heartbreak and death and leaving it all behind her on the stage, we are too stunned to wonder where she might be headed. As it turns out, this enterprising exile continued her career with great success in Roman Africa. This essay considers two remarkable Later Roman Medeas: Hosidius Geta's early third (?) century tragedy Medea and Dracontius' late fifth century epyllion Medea. Both were products of the flourishing, experimental, literary culture of Roman Africa that produced such writers as Apuleius, Tertullian, Augustine, Corippus, Martianus and Fulgentius. Although the two poems present radically different heroines, both exhibit the sophisticated allusivity, wordplay and interest in formal structures and rules that characterise Latin literature from Africa. One Medea makes a lethal intervention in Vergilian poetics; the other Medea channels a distinctively Statian Muse.Hosidius Geta's Medea is a short tragedy consisting of eight scenes and three choral songs that recounts the familiar events of Medea's vengeance in an unfamiliar form—it is the first extant example from antiquity of a cento. Mystery shrouds the origins of this Medea—we are unlikely ever to know for certain where, when or by whom it was written. It is probably a late second or very early third century text from Roman Africa. It is first mentioned by Tertullian, who brings it up as an example of the kind of improper manipulation of scripture perpetrated by heretical readers—that is, as a perverted form of reading. Tertullian's digressive expostulation is the first account we have both of Hosidius' Medea and of the cento form, i.e., the creation of poems made entirely from lines or half lines of a master-text. Tertullian's wording, however, implies that his readers will immediately recognise what a cento is, suggesting that this art form had been around for a long time. More interestingly, in light of the later Christian adoption of the cento form, he disapproves of the reading practices their composition implies, and finds Scripture especially vulnerable to such abuse. It is not hard to see why the fundamentalist preacher Tertullian would be alarmed by the poetics of the cento, for centos expose the multivalent nature of language, forcing the reader constantly to focus on the protean ability of words to change their meanings depending on context. To one whose goal is to establish truth according to the authoritative rule of faith, such linguistic play is threatening.
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Filipowicz, Adam M. "Ciało - źródło grzechu czy powód do chwały w świetle poglądów Tertuliana." Studia Ecologiae et Bioethicae 4, no. 1 (December 31, 2006): 217–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/seb.2006.4.1.17.
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The article considers human body in teaching of Tertullian, one of the famous early Christian writers and an important apologist of Christianity. It consists of five parts: 1. Introduction; 2. Despise body in ancient philosophical thought; 3. Dignity of body according to Tertullian; 4. Human body and responsibility for evil and sin; 5. Summary.
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Daniel-Hughes, Carly. "‘‘Wear the Armor of Your Shame!’’: Debating Veiling and the Salvation of the Flesh in Tertullian of Carthage." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 39, no. 2 (June 2010): 179–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429810362315.
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In the early third century, Tertullian (approx. 150—220 C.E.) penned On the Veiling of Virgins to cajole unveiled virgin women to cover their heads. While scholars have read the treatise primarily as evidence of his misogyny or his attempt to establish a male ecclesiology, this article examines it as evidence of a debate between Tertullian and virgin women in Carthage over the nature of a woman’s flesh and the possibility of its transformation. Employing Judith Butler’s conception of performativity, I consider how Tertullian connects veiling to his conception of the salvation of the flesh, and why he perceives the virgins’ unveiling a visible contestation (or, in Butler’s terms, a performative undoing) of that vision. For Tertullian, the flesh is both corruptible and shameful and only transformed through Christ’s death and resurrection. Across his writings, women’s flesh serves as evidence of the degradation of the human condition. The notion that women’s flesh indicates sordidness also underlies his complaint against the virgins who ‘‘expose’’ their heads. In On the Veiling of Virgins, Tertullian employs a host of cultural discourses—most especially the notion that a woman’s head indicates her genitalia, and materialistic conceptions of vision that cast the gaze as erotic and intrusive—in order to establish veiling as the outward sign of a Christian woman’s shame. Ultimately, however, connecting his vision of salvation to the performance of veiling, he reveals why unveiling threatens this link. When virgins refuse to veil, they suggest that their flesh does not signal shame, but instead reveals their exalted spiritual status.
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Molinier Arbo, Agnès. "Le costume en Afrique à l’époque sévérienne : réalités et symboles dans le De Pallio de Tertullien." Vita Latina 189, no. 1 (2014): 158–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/vita.2014.1797.
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Although we have to read between the lines, Tertullian’s De Pallio is reliable evidence of clothing practices in northern Africa in the early third century, especially of the evolution of women’s costume as well as norms regulating form and length of tunics. A passage gives us interesting clues about the toga being used in North Africa at this time. Above all, this text makes us aware that the pallium, albeit commonly worn in everyday life, was still considered as the mark of Greek people versusRoman togati. When he chose to wear it, Tertullian did not intend to reject romanitas, but the civic duties implied by the toga, a symbol of the Roman citizen.