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1

Suhassatya, Gabriel Kristiawan. "Trinitas Menurut Tertullianus dalam Buku Against Praxeas." Felicitas 2, no. 2 (2022): 97–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.57079/feli.v2i2.79.

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The debate about the Triune God or the Trinity has existed since the time of the early Church Fathers until today. The notion of a three-person God raises many questions and debates. The debate about the Trinity has emerged in the practice of the Christian faith since the time of the Church Fathers. Inevitably this prompted the Church Fathers to formulate and always defend their faith in the Triune God, namely by believing and learning so that it can be explained to everyone. Efforts to formulate and explain the understanding of the Triune God or the Trinity was also carried out by Tertullianu
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2

Wilhite, David E. "Tertullian on the Afterlife: “Only Martyrs are in Heaven” and Other Misunderstandings." Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum / Journal of Ancient Christianity 24, no. 3 (2020): 490–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zac-2020-0051.

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Abstract Perpetua only saw martyrs in heaven, according to Tertullian, De anima 55,4. This passage has perplexed scholars, since Tertullian seems to be referring to Saturus’s vision, not Perpetua’s (Passio Perpetuae et Felicitatis 13,8). Additionally, Tertullian’s citation is part of his larger argument against the Valentinians, in which he makes the peculiar claim that the souls of the dead are “below” (inferi) with the exception of the martyrs who are in Paradise. I contend that Tertullian’s claim has been misunderstood in the last few decades of scholarship because of a failure to contextua
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Edwards, Jordan H. "Tertullian’s Views on Women." Evangelical Quarterly 90, no. 4 (2019): 317–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-09004003.

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Tertullian was a brilliant author and defender of the faith in Roman North Africa during the early third century, but his views on women have not been equally well-received and often are dismissed entirely on the basis of a few statements. These statements, frequently taken out of context, have led many scholars to label him as the first Christian misogynist. However, Tertullian’s views on women are far more nuanced than he is given credit for by most interpreters. Rather than hating women and demeaning them as individuals, Tertullian instead viewed them through a particular lens of his cultur
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Ambrozy, Marián. "Corporealism as an Ontological Position and Its Involvement in the Thought of Tertullian." Religions 12, no. 7 (2021): 534. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12070534.

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This paper aims to examine the meaning, role, inspirations, and place of corporealism in Tertullian’s system of thought. The extent to which corporealism is a basic philosophical belief in Tertullian’s work and to what extent it is a particular element of his theological doctrine is questioned. It presents the named ontological position as a rare specificity within the range of early Christian thought, especially in Tertullian’s works De anima and De carne Cristi. This paper makes a clear distinction between corporealism and materialism, as it tries to determine the degree of influence of Stoi
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Kołosowski, Tadeusz. "„Ubi tres, ecclesia est, licet laici". Duchowieństwo a laikat we wspólnocie kartagińskiej według Tertuliana." Vox Patrum 42 (January 15, 2003): 119–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.7147.

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Tertullian war durch den ganzen Zeitraum seines Lebens und Schaffens der Sprecher der Diszipłin. Er bemerkte in der christlichen Gemeinschaft diese, die leiten sie, und andere, die sind ihnen unterordnen. Bischofe, Priester und Diakone gehoren zu erster Gruppe. Die Bischofe leiten besonders die Kirche und sie sind Seelsorger. Sie bewahren auch „munera sacerdotałia". Diesem Gesetz des Bischofs verleugnete Tertullian niemals deutlich. Als zweite, separate Gruppe in der christlichen Gemeinschaft spezifiziert Tertullian die Laien. „Laici", ein mal verheiratete Manner, die zu „ordo Ecclesie" (Kirch
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Filipowicz, Adam M. "Poglądy Tertuliana na temat początków życia ludzkiego i aborcji." Vox Patrum 48 (June 15, 2005): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.8709.

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This dissertation takes analyses of Tertullian's treatise On the Soul in aspects of beginning human life and abortion in context of ancient Greek philosopher’s opinions. The article shows arguments which Tertullian used to prove that embryo have a soul so is alive and human life begins in moment of conception so man is not only body and is not only soul but is substantial union of flesh and corporal soul. The article also presents pronounces about conception of soul from psychical semen (Tertullian as tarducianist) and about abortion which Tertullian calls crime but permits as necessary in cas
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7

Wysocki, Marcin. "Zmartwychwstanie ciała według Tertuliana." Verbum Vitae 15 (January 14, 2009): 295–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vv.1519.

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Resurrection was one of the most important themes in the writings of Tertullian (ca 150 - 220), who is called sometimes "theologian of the hope". Presented paper presents teaching of the first theologian of the West on resurrection of the body. In the article's first part the historical (i.e. persecutions and believes in resurrection before Tertullian) and doctrinal background (heresies) of his works on the resurrection is shown, than - in the next section - vocabulary, which were used by Tertullian to describe phenomenon of the resurrection. In the forth part author presents the main points o
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8

McCruden, Kevin B. "Monarchy and economy in Tertullian's Adversus Praxeam." Scottish Journal of Theology 55, no. 3 (2002): 325–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930602000340.

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This essay explores the deeper theological presuppositions foundational to Tertullian's defense of the Logos-theology in the Adversus Praxeam. After providing a brief description and historical contextualization of the monarchian argument that Tertullian opposes, this essay then explores the unique manner in which Tertullian attempts to redefine the notion of the divine monarchy through a renewed understanding of the divine economy. This essay proposes that Tertullian reflects upon the notion of the economy in a decidedly internal fashion, emphasizing the inner relations within the depths of t
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9

Turek, Waldemar. "Godność ciała ludzkiego według Tertuliana. Analiza komentarzy do tekstów Rdz 1, 26-27; 2, 8; 1Kor 3, 16." Vox Patrum 63 (July 15, 2015): 63–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3547.

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The present paper discusses the dignity of human body as treated in selected texts from Tertullian’s De resurrectione mortuorum and Adversus Marcionem. Because Tertullian argues primarily on the basis of Sacred Scripture, special con­sideration will be given to his exegesis of Genesis 1: 26-27 and 2: 8. Tertullian demonstrates that the creation of the human body is the direct work of God who creates it, precisely with the future Incarnation of his beloved Son already in mind. Tertullian describes, against Marcion, the dignity of the human body as ensuing from the gift of freedom which man rece
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10

Hengstmengel, Joost. "Geloven omdat het absurd is. Tertullianus als wegbereider van het fideïsme?" NTT Journal for Theology and the Study of Religion 71, no. 3 (2017): 218–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/ntt2017.71.218.heng.

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Summary The early-Christian writer Tertullian is commonly associated with the statement ‘credo quia absurdum’ ‐ I believe because it is absurd. However, this sentence (first ascribed to him in the early-modern period) cannot be found in Tertullian’s work. As this article seeks to demonstrate, the very idea behind it is neither in line with his conception of the relationship between faith and reason. The same Tertullian who decries the Greek philosophy of ‘Athens’ builds on Stoic views to reinforce and clarify his theological positions. Rather than as a total rejection of ancient philosophy, hi
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Litfin, Bryan M. "Tertullian on the Trinity." Perichoresis 17, no. 1 (2019): 81–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/perc-2019-0012.

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Abstract Tertullian is often portrayed as a prescient figure who accurately anticipated the Nicene consensus about the Trinity. But when he is examined against the background of his immediate predecessors, he falls into place as a typical second-century Logos theologian. He drew especially from Theophilus of Antioch, Justin Martyr, and Irenaeus of Lyons. At the same time, Tertullian did introduce some important innovations. His trinitarian language of ‘substance’ and ‘person’, rooted in Stoic metaphysics, offered the church a new way to be monotheistic while retaining the full deity and consub
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Wysocki, Marcin. "Eschatologiczna nagroda w pismach Tertuliana." Vox Patrum 52, no. 2 (2008): 1269–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.6500.

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Tertullian (ca. 155-225) very often is described as a rigorist, who is burning with vengeance. Although for him the coming end is above all a time of reckoning., in his writings, as „the theologian of the hope” - as Erie Osborn has called him - a lot of thoughts about future reward can be found. In this paper the Tertullian’s teaching about eschatological reward is presented. Among his ideas of the future life the idea of resurrection of the body is found as the most important. And as the result of it Tertullian amplifies his teaching about heaven, as the being with God and Christ, as the banq
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Lane, Anthony. "Tertullianus Totus Noster? Calvin's Use Of Tertullian." Reformation & Renaissance Review 4, no. 1 (2002): 9–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/rrr.v4i1.9.

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14

Roth, Dieter. "Did Tertullian Possess a Greek Copy or Latin Translation of Marcion's Gospel?" Vigiliae Christianae 63, no. 5 (2009): 429–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007208x383583.

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AbstractIn his significant work on Marcion, Adolf von Harnack was the first to advance the view that Tertullian employed a Latin translation of Marcion's Euangelion when writing Adversus Marcionem. This view was quickly embraced and subsequently accepted by numerous scholars throughout the twentieth century. However, several scholars, most recently those focusing on Marcion's Apostolikon, have argued against the various attempts to advance Harnack's view. In particular, Ulrich Schmid's recent study of both the similarities and differences of the vocabulary of Tertullian's citations from his ow
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Cruciat, Diego. "Tertulliano e la filosofia." Augustinianum 56, no. 2 (2016): 347–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm201656222.

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Tertullian is an important participant in the early dialogue between Christian faith and Latin culture. The aim of this article is to provide some elements useful in reconstructing the idea of philosophia in the writings of this apologist, following a metaphilosophical approach. After briefly presenting the occurrences of philosophical terms (listed in the Appendix), the Author proposes that Tertullian conceives of philosophia as an erroneous form of knowledge, which is not capable of adequately dealing with reality. Considering Tertullian’s thought from a metaphilosophical perspective could t
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Butakov, Pavel. "Narrative persons in Tertullian’s Trinity." ΣΧΟΛΗ Ancient Philosophy and the Classical Tradition XVIII, no. 2 (2024): 696–708. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1995-4328-2024-18-2-696-708.

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Tertullian employs two distinct ways of describing the Trinity in his work Adversus Praxean: a metaphysical and a narrative description. He specifically uses the term “persona” to refer to the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit only in the narrative description, indicating a character in the story. In a dogmatic context, he prefers the metaphysical term “gradus” instead. It was later generations of Christian theologians who transformed Tertullian’s narrative term ‘person’ into a dogmatic term. Tertullian would have objected to the formula “one God in three Persons.” Therefore, the widely held belief
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Huerta Rodríguez, Jesús Caos. "La recepción de Isaías 43.20 en Adversus Marcionem de Tertuliano: las sirenas como un tipo de los “gentiles” y como un caso de hibridismo cultural." Philologica Canariensia, no. 28 (2022) (May 31, 2022): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.20420/phil.can.2022.466.

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Tertullian in his work Adversus Marcionem quotes Isaiah 43.20, which is peculiar because it documents a reference to sirens. This article aims to review Tertullian’s interpretation of Isaiah’s text to determine possible sources. A historical-philological methodology is followed where initially the text’s meaning is defined through the author’s context and then approaches to the cultural horizon of the Patristics of the first centuries. The evidence reveals a close relationship with Clement of Alexandria; consequently, the existence of a common cultural background between the two writers can be
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Huerta Rodríguez, Jesús Caos. "La recepción de Isaías 43.20 en Adversus Marcionem de Tertuliano: las sirenas como un tipo de los “gentiles” y como un caso de hibridismo cultural." Philologica Canariensia, no. 28 (2022) (May 31, 2022): 37–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.20420/10.20420/phil.can.2022.466.

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Tertullian in his work Adversus Marcionem quotes Isaiah 43.20, which is peculiar because it documents a reference to sirens. This article aims to review Tertullian’s interpretation of Isaiah’s text to determine possible sources. A historical-philological methodology is followed where initially the text’s meaning is defined through the author’s context and then approaches to the cultural horizon of the Patristics of the first centuries. The evidence reveals a close relationship with Clement of Alexandria; consequently, the existence of a common cultural background between the two writers can be
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19

Wilhite, David E. "Was Marcion a Docetist? The Body of Evidence vs. Tertullian’s Argument." Vigiliae Christianae 71, no. 1 (2017): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341272.

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There is no credible evidence that Marcion was a docetist. Marcion’s alleged belief that Christ was a phantasm is found in accusations made by Tertullian, but these accusations are a form of reductio ad absurdum and not firsthand information on Marcion’s Christology. There are in fact remnants of data in Tertullian’s Adversus Marcionem, which point to Marcion’s teaching about the material flesh of Christ, a flesh that suffers and dies on the cross. Tertullian dismisses these artifacts as proof that Marcion was foolishly inconsistent: he taught docetism, but still accepted Christ’s suffering an
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Atkins, Jed W. "Tertullian on ‘The Freedom of Religion’." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 37, no. 1 (2020): 145–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340261.

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Abstract Tertullian first coined the phrase ‘the freedom of religion’. This article considers what this entails. I argue that Tertullian’s discussion of religious liberty derives its theoretical significance from his creative repurposing of the Roman idea of liberty as non-domination. Tertullian contends that the Roman magistrates’ treatment of Christian citizens and loyal subjects amounts to tyrannical domination characterized by the absence of the traditional conditions for non-domination: the rule of law, rule in and responsive to the interests of the people, and citizens’ rights. On his re
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Kaufman, Peter Iver. "Tertullian on Heresy, History, and the Reappropriation of Revelation." Church History 60, no. 2 (1991): 167–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3167523.

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Tertullian understood the apostle Paul to have suggested there would always be heretics (1 Cor. 11:19), and he presumed God had supplied scripture for their use. Without sacred literature heretics would have nothing of consequence to misread. Without contests over critical passages, there could be no winners, no losers—no heretics.1 The difficulty, Tertullian acknowledged, was that heretics were the poorest of losers; they never conceded defeat. He advised against trying to take (or take back) scripture passage by passage. The only way to get the best of heretics and get on with the work of in
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Ferguson, Everett. "Tertullian." Expository Times 120, no. 7 (2009): 313–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524609103464.

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Fewster, Gregory. "Authors and Their Caretakers." Early Christianity 16, no. 1 (2025): 42–64. https://doi.org/10.1628/ec-2025-0005.

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Tertullian of Carthage routinely depicts Marcion as a bad editor, who both removed passages from the apostolic writings to support his heretical teachings and failed to completely purge the writings of orthodox theology. But as recent scholarship challenges this classic heresiological picture of Marcion, new questions emerge concerning the logic of Tertullians depiction. This article addresses these questions by situating Tertullians philologically oriented heresiology within the antiquarian discourse of the Second Sophistic, showing how Roman intellectuals evaluated the credibility of editors
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Otten, Willemien. "Christ's Birth of a Virgin Who Became a Wife: Flesh and Speech in Tertullian's De Carne Christi." Vigiliae Christianae 51, no. 3 (1997): 247–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007297x00183.

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AbstractThis article explores the powerful efficacy of Tertullian's theological discourse in his treatise De came Christi. Departing from the conventional wisdom of evaluating early Christian theological texts according to their adherence to formal rhetorical models, which makes them vulnerable to postmodern criticism, this article advocates an alternative approach. It analyzes Tertullian's arguments by relating them directly to his central topic of discussion: the flesh of Christ. Tertullian's insistence on the physical concreteness of Christ's flesh, which connects Christ's human birth insep
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Dunn, Geoffrey. "Rhetoric and Tertullian's De Virginibus Velandis." Vigiliae Christianae 59, no. 1 (2005): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570072053623414.

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AbstractTertullian's de Virginibus Velandis is not simply a somewhat neglected ascetic treatise but a rhetorical treatise about asceticism. The use of classical rhetoric as a modern interpretative tool for early Christian literature is common, although, as witnessed in an article recentlyin this journal, not without its critics. In this deliberative treatise Tertullian argued from Scripture (3.5c-6.3), natural law (7.1-8.4) and Christian discipline (9.1-15.3) that from puberty Christian female virgins ought to be veiled when in public. The custom of some Carthaginian virginsnot being veiled wh
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Paschke, Boris A. "Tertullian on Liturgical Prayer to Christ: New Insights from De Spect. 25.5 and Apol. 2.6." Vigiliae Christianae 66, no. 1 (2012): 20–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007211x563534.

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Abstract So far, scholarship on early Christian liturgical prayer to Christ has neglected two relevant texts of Tertullian: De Spect. 25.5 and Apol. 2.6. This article points out that both texts reflect Tertullian’s awareness and approval of the liturgical practice of addressing Christ in prayer. It is suggested that in the pre-Arian period, liturgical prayer to Christ was more accepted, prevalent, and established than is commonly held in scholarship.
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Ensor, Peter. "Tertullian and penal substitutionary atonement." Evangelical Quarterly 86, no. 2 (2014): 130–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/27725472-08602003.

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This article argues that the writings of Tertullian imply that Christ’s atoning death on the cross was a work of penal substitution. Having noted the importance of the cross in Tertullian’s thought, the contexts in which references to the cross are found in his writings, and the salvific effects which he attributes to the cross, the article examines some specific passages which are most naturally understood to imply a penal substitutionary understanding of the significance of the cross. The article therefore strengthens the view, already held on the grounds of similar studies of the atonement
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Pap, Levente. "Stoic Virtues in Tertullian’s Works and Their Relation to Cicero." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, Philologica 6, no. 1 (2014): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ausp-2015-0001.

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Abstract Q. S. F. Tertullian was one of the most prominent writers and apologists of the early Christian Church. He had two important goals with his works: on the one hand, to introduce, according to the spirit of the age, the Christian teachings embedded in contemporary Roman culture; on the other hand, to highlight and emphasize the difference between the Christian teachings and the pagan ideas. This dichotomy is characteristic of his ethical teachings as well: while he emphasizes the importance of the Christian virtues, he does not forget about their philosophical background either. Tertull
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Harrison, Peter. "“I Believe Because it is Absurd”: The Enlightenment Invention of Tertullian'sCredo." Church History 86, no. 2 (2017): 339–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640717000531.

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Tertullian is widely regarded as having originated the expressionCredo quia absurdum (est)(I believe because it is absurd) and the phrase often appears in contemporary polemics about the rationality of religious belief. Patristic scholars have long pointed out that Tertullian never said this or meant anything like it. However, little scholarly attention has been paid to the circumstances in which this specific phrase came into existence and why, in spite of its dubious provenance, it continues to be regarded by many as a legitimate characterization of religious faith. This paper shows how Tert
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Leal, Jerónimo. "La prosa métrica en Tertuliano (con un estudio estilístico del De testimonio animae)." Augustinianum 62, no. 2 (2022): 331–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm202262221.

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This paper is about the integration between metrical clausulae and rhetorical structure. First, there is a comparison of Waszink’s results using the Zielinski method with Laurand’s system, and my findings on the same group of clausulae. Secondly, we analyze the concluding words of every book of Tertullian, to identify the more frequent clausulae, and the initial words, in which we can find often a cretic. Thirdly, we analyze the metrical prose of Tertullian’s De testimonio animae, to establish a rhetorical scheme for the very first time.
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Tuggy, Dale. "Tertullian the Unitarian." European Journal for Philosophy of Religion 8, no. 3 (2016): 179–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.24204/ejpr.v8i3.1693.

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Tertullian is often celebrated as an early trinitarian, or at least a near- trinitarian, proto-trinitarian, or trinitarian with unfortunate ‘subordinationist’ tendencies. In this paper I shall show that Tertullian was a unitarian, and not at all a trinitarian.
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ARKINS, BRIAN. "YEATS AND TERTULLIAN." Notes and Queries 35, no. 3 (1988): 341—a—341. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/nq/35-3-341a.

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Carnelley, Elizabeth. "Tertullian and Feminism." Theology 92, no. 745 (1989): 31–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x8909200106.

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Harrison, Carol. "Book Reviews : Tertullian." Expository Times 109, no. 8 (1998): 247. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452469810900815.

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Frend, W. H. C. "Book Review: Tertullian." Theology 108, no. 844 (2005): 281–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x0510800410.

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Jacobson, Howard. "Tertullian and Propagation." Vigiliae Christianae 43, no. 4 (1989): 397. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007289x00290.

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de Boer, E. A. "Tertullian on “Barnabas’ Letter to the Hebrews” in De pudicitia 20.1-5." Vigiliae Christianae 68, no. 3 (2014): 243–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341168.

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In De pudicitia Tertullian, quoting from Hebrews 6, refers to the Barnabae titulus ad Hebraeos. This piece of primary evidence on the authorship of the Letter to the Hebrews has not received the attention it deserves. Consideration of this piece of evidence serves to clarify our understanding of the development of the diverging ascriptions, and moreover reveals some possible reasons for this divergence. The Barnabas tradition can be followed until the end of the fourth century in Spain and France. Comparison of De paenitentia and De pudicitia shows that Hebrews features only late in Tertullian
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Flexsenhar, Michael. "Sought Out for Luxury, Castrated for Lust: Mistress-Slave Sex in Tertullian’s Ad Uxorem 2.8.4." Vigiliae Christianae 72, no. 5 (2018): 484–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341372.

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Abstract While speaking to the women of his church about marriage, widowhood, and remarriage Tertullian of Carthage marshals a negative example of prosperous gentile women taking their own freedmen or slaves as their sexual partners. Common opinion is that this example was chiefly metaphorical, warning against mixed marriages between Christian women and non-Christian men. This article shows that Tertullian’s example of mistress-slave sex was a rhetorical trope also deployed in other early Christian writings that participated in a Roman literary discourse on household management (oikonomia). As
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Brennan, Robert. "Has a Frog Human a Soul? – Huxley, Tertullian, Physicalism and the Soul, Some Historical Antecedents." Scottish Journal of Theology 66, no. 4 (2013): 400–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930613000215.

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AbstractMuch theology presupposes a metaphysical spirit or soul, the existence of which has been questioned in contemporary neurobiological research. Green, Murphy and others argue for alternatives to metaphysical description. If the neuroscience is correct and the soul, if it exists, is not metaphysical then many theological descriptions will need serious revision or possibly even abandonment. One such theological description, directly affected and long considered to be an essential part of Christianity, is God's personal self-communication to humans. This has traditionally been understood to
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Pierce, Alexander H. "Tertullian’s Case for the Christiani Creatoris in Adversus Marcionem." Journal of Theological Interpretation 16, no. 1 (2022): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jtheointe.16.1.0001.

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In offering a close reading of Tertullian’s Adversus Marcionem 3–4, the present essay contends that Tertullian supports his belief that Christians are the proper continuation of God’s people in history by making a case for Christian separation from the Jews as the fulfillment of scriptural prophecy. Tertullian’s reading of the Creator’s Scriptures is his exegetical basis for forming a logic of separation between Christians and the chosen Jewish nation. This differentiation does not require an ontological bifurcation of the Creator and the God revealed in Jesus. Rather, God the Creator and Fath
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41

Radler, Charlotte. "The Dirty Physician: Necessary Dishonor and Fleshly Solidarity in Tertullian's Writings." Vigiliae Christianae 63, no. 4 (2009): 345–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007208x389884.

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AbstractThis article examines Tertullian's multifaceted notion of physician and his views of illness and redemptive healing, particularly his arresting re-appropriation of dirt and dishonor as the basis for restoration against Marcion's alleged conception of a pure and spiritual salvation. Tertullian inverts the dominant value paradigm by rendering the shameful and dishonorable circumstances of the flesh as the necessary signifiers of truth and redemption. His creative reconfiguration of healing through filth and shame redraws early Christian discourse on embodiment and corrects facile typolog
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Tomasiewicz, Marcin. "Polityczno-prawne inspiracje teologii trynitarnej Tertuliana." Acta Iuridica Resoviensia 35, no. 4 (2021): 383–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/actaires.2021.4.28.

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The article aims to show that the concept of the Trinity proposed by Tertullian (a Roman lawyer and theologian of the first decades of the third century) was inspired by political and legal thought. Through the concept of substance, Tertullian lays the foundation for the unity of the Trinity. At the same time, his proposed explanation of this unity bears a far-reaching similarity to the philosophical conception of monarchy in the early principate. The Greek concept of economy, which meaning Tertullian conveys using the Latin word dispensation, turns out to be the key to distinguish between Fat
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House, Dennis K., and David Rankin. "Tertullian and the Church." Phoenix 50, no. 2 (1996): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1192713.

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Greschat, Katharina. "Neue Literatur zu Tertullian." Theologische Rundschau 72, no. 1 (2007): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1628/004056907783269275.

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Quispel, Gilles. "Hermes Trismegistus and Tertullian." Vigiliae Christianae 43, no. 2 (1989): 188–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007289x00065.

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Osborn, Eric. "The Subtlety of Tertullian." Vigiliae Christianae 52, no. 4 (1998): 361–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007298x00236.

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Kirkland, A. "Liturgical time in Tertullian." Acta Patristica et Byzantina 6, no. 1 (1995): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10226486.1995.11745861.

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Adkin, Neil. "Tertullian and Jerome again1." Symbolae Osloenses 72, no. 1 (1997): 155–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00397679708590927.

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Malamud, Martha. "Double, Double: Two African Medeas." Ramus 41, no. 1-2 (2012): 161–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00000308.

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When Seneca's Medea flies off in her serpent-drawn chariot, shedding ruin, heartbreak and death and leaving it all behind her on the stage, we are too stunned to wonder where she might be headed. As it turns out, this enterprising exile continued her career with great success in Roman Africa. This essay considers two remarkable Later Roman Medeas: Hosidius Geta's early third (?) century tragedy Medea and Dracontius' late fifth century epyllion Medea. Both were products of the flourishing, experimental, literary culture of Roman Africa that produced such writers as Apuleius, Tertullian, Augusti
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Filipowicz, Adam M. "Ciało - źródło grzechu czy powód do chwały w świetle poglądów Tertuliana." Studia Ecologiae et Bioethicae 4, no. 1 (2006): 217–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/seb.2006.4.1.17.

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The article considers human body in teaching of Tertullian, one of the famous early Christian writers and an important apologist of Christianity. It consists of five parts: 1. Introduction; 2. Despise body in ancient philosophical thought; 3. Dignity of body according to Tertullian; 4. Human body and responsibility for evil and sin; 5. Summary.
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