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Journal articles on the topic 'Thessalian Religions'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 5 June 2025

Last updated: 2 August 2025

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1

Fischlin, Daniel. "Political Allegory, Absolutist Ideology, and the “Rainbow Portrait” of Queen Elizabeth I*." Renaissance Quarterly 50, no. 1 (1997): 175–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3039333.

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It is somewhat surprising, given the nature of royal investment in various forms of political and religious iconography associated with Renaissance portraiture, that the well-known “Rainbow Portrait” (c. 1600-03; fig. 1) of Queen Elizabeth I, held by Robert Cecil, Lord of Salisbury at Hatfield House, but of unknown provenance, has not received sufficient attention to its political allegories. Much has been made of the religious symbolism associated with the portrait, especially by René Graziani, who argues, for example, that “Elizabeth wears the gauntlet on her ruff in right of her title, Fide

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2

COLLINS, R. "The Thessalonian Correspondence." Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses 64, no. 4 (1988): 505–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/etl.64.4.556418.

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3

Jung, UnChan. "Paul’s Letter to Free(d) Casual Workers: Profiling the Thessalonians in Light of the Roman Economy." Journal for the Study of the New Testament 42, no. 4 (2020): 472–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x20914524.

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There is a long history of dissonance between the (so-called) Old and New Consensuses with regard to the early Christians’ socio-economic status. The composition of the Thessalonian congregation, however, has been barely explored. Not only has some valuable evidence in 1 Thessalonians been neglected or underplayed, but also the Thessalonians’ socio-economic status has been deemed the same as that of the Corinthians or other Pauline Christians. In this regard, this article explores clues in the Pauline letters for the membership of the Thessalonian church in light of the Roman economy, while ke

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4

Paddison, Angus. "Book Review: The Thessalonian Epistles." Expository Times 118, no. 5 (2007): 254. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452460711800526.

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5

Malherbe, A. J. "‘Pastoral Care’ in the Thessalonian Church." New Testament Studies 36, no. 3 (1990): 375–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500015800.

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This paper seeks to shed some light on 1 Thess 5.14–15, Paul's command to the Thessalonians to ‘admonish the disorderly, comfort the faint-hearted, help the weak, be patient with all’, and not to retaliate. In an earlier study, I focused primarily on Paul's role in nurturing the Thessalonian church. Here, I wish to develop what I discussed only very briefly in that study about the Thessalonians' own care for each other.

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6

Foster, Paul. "Book Review: Socio-Rhetorical Approach To Thessalonian Correspondance." Expository Times 118, no. 10 (2007): 518–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00145246071180101216.

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7

Donfried, Karl P. "The Cults of Thessalonica and the Thessalonian Correspondence." New Testament Studies 31, no. 3 (1985): 336–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500013904.

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Despite the relative brevity of 1 and 2 Thessalonians, there is little scholarly consensus today concerning their interpretation. Whether the issue is the integrity of 1 Thess 2. 13–16 or the authenticity of 2 Thessalonians, whether the problem involves the interpretation of the so-called ‘apology’ in 1 Thess 2. 1–12 or that ofτὸ κατέχονof 2 Thessalonians, whether the question deals with the eschatology of 1 Thess 4. 13–5. 11 or of 2 Thessalonians, or whether the query involves the form-critical analysis of either document, there is little agreement among contemporary New Testament scholars.

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8

Thurston, Robert W. "The Thessalonians Debate Revisited." Expository Times 129, no. 5 (2017): 201–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524617743859.

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The Book The Thessalonians Debate (Eerdmans, 2000) defined the Thessalonian problem, but without a real resolution except for showing that the central issue is 1 Thessalonians 2, which seems to contradict all the conventional rules of epistolary analysis. We see here that the solution is to be found in correcting a deficiency in the conventional methods of epistolary analysis. In 1 Thessalonians 2 the thanksgiving is interrupted by a reminder of Paul’s previous actions. This is followed by two more cycles of thanksgiving and reminders of Paul’s past actions. These cycles are seen as essentiall

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9

Hendrix, Holland, and Robert Jewett. "The Thessalonian Correspondence: Pauline Rhetoric and Millenarian Piety." Journal of Biblical Literature 107, no. 4 (1988): 763. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3267650.

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10

Chidume, Simeon Ndubuisi, and Isaiah I. Agbo. "Discourse-Rhetorical Strategies of Pauline Epistles: Rhetorical Situation Theory Approach to the Book of First Thessalonians." SAGE Open 12, no. 1 (2022): 215824402210855. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/21582440221085589.

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This work on Pauline Discourse-Rhetorical Strategies for Community Building in the Book of First Thessalonians is carried out to examine how Apostle Paul deployed language in communicating his thoughts to the Thessalonian church in order to encourage them in their faith in Christ while establishing them as a strong community within the Thessalonian society. Previous research works on the book of First Thessalonians have either centered on theme, structure, and arguments on date and authorship in analysing the book. Discourse-rhetorical strategies for community building have not been investigat

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11

Marguerat, Daniel. "L'apôtre, mère et père de la communauté (1 Thessaloniciens 2/1-12)." Études théologiques et religieuses 75, no. 3 (2000): 373–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ether.2000.3604.

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Some suprising passages in Paul’s letters could help us to revise the stereotypical image of the apostle. In 1 Th 2/1-12, for instance, Paul presents his missionary engagement by using motherly as well as fatherly figures. It is with an emotional vocabulary that Paul, in this passage, calls the Thessalonian Christians to find, in their own personal history, the traces of the power of the Gospel. Collective consciousness of an apostolate and theological reading of interpersonal relationships are both strongly emphasized in this earliest writing of the apostle Paul.

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12

Ascough, Richard S. "The Thessalonian Christian Community as a Professional Voluntary Association." Journal of Biblical Literature 119, no. 2 (2000): 311. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3268489.

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13

Lederballe Pedersen, Thomas. "Ikonoklasten Paulus?" Periskop – Forum for kunsthistorisk debat, no. 30 (November 29, 2023): 16–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/periskop.v2023i30.141985.

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This article deals with the first letter written by the apostle Paul, known as the First Letter to the Thessalonians (c. 50 CE), suggesting that by reading the letter as a document in the history of visuality as well as religious statement, it testifies to a dialectic within Paul’s theological anthropology. For the new Christians, Paul advocates the abolishment of cult images, which were ubiquitous in the Roman empire. But concurrent to his iconoclastic argument is an insistence on the members of the Thessalonian church taking on the role as religiously informed images themselves. Thereby, the

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14

WITMER, STEPHEN E. "θεοδιδακτοι 1 Thessalonians 4.9: A Pauline Neologism". New Testament Studies 52, № 2 (2006): 239–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688506000142.

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This essay argues that the attempts of John Kloppenborg and several others to explain Paul's neologism θεοδιδακτος in 1 Thess 4.9 are unsuccessful. An alternative explanation is offered by taking into consideration available evidence regarding compound neologisms in Koine Greek and by drawing upon Emmanuel Tov's work on LXX translation tendencies. It is suggested that Paul draws upon Isa 54.13 in forming his neologism in a manner analogous to the ‘reverse and combine’ pattern of LXX compound-word formation noted by Tov. Paul creates a new word as part of his larger epistolary strategy of stren

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15

Burnett. "Imperial Divine Honors in Julio-Claudian Thessalonica and the Thessalonian Correspondence." Journal of Biblical Literature 139, no. 3 (2020): 567. http://dx.doi.org/10.15699/jbl.1393.2020.7.

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16

Aston, Emma. "THESSALIAN RELIGION - M. Mili Religion and Society in Ancient Thessaly. Pp. xiv + 430, maps. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015. Cased, £90, US$175. ISBN: 978-0-19-871801-7." Classical Review 66, no. 2 (2016): 482–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x16000160.

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17

George, Roji Thomas. "The Spirit in 1 and 2 Thessalonians." Pneuma 43, no. 3-4 (2021): 521–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700747-bja10056.

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Abstract In the Thessalonian correspondence, Paul, through his occasional yet repeated references to the Spirit’s role in the life of a believer, individual and corporate, teaches that the Spirit is active in a person’s life from the time faith in the gospel is kindled in them. The Spirit regenerates a sinner through deep conviction and power and continues to sanctify a person to live in holiness according to the will of God. Paul reminds them that even their joy amid suffering is the work of the Spirit in them. It enables them not only to imitate Christ and the other believing communities in

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18

Foster, Paul. "Book Review: An Admirable Commentary on the Thessalonian Correspondence, 1–2 Thessalonians: A New Covenant Commentary." Expository Times 129, no. 7 (2018): 337. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524617746866.

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19

Simpson, John W. "The Problems Posed By 1 Thessalonians 2:15-16 And A Solution." Horizons in Biblical Theology 12, no. 1 (1990): 42–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187122090x00037.

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AbstractEven apart from the difficulties the passage poses for peace between Christians and Jews, significant problems of both form and content confront the interpreter of 1 Thess 2:13-16. The appearance of what is apparently a second thanksgiving section in the letter - after the earlier one beginning at 1:2 - has been a major difficulty. Furthermore, the passage departs in verses 15-16 from its initial theme and from the central concerns of 1:2-3:13, that is, from the Thessalonian Christians' response to the gospel and their positive relationship with the apostle, to deal with another group,

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20

Bell, Brigidda. "The Cost of Baptism? The Case for Paul’s Ritual Compensation." Journal for the Study of the New Testament 42, no. 4 (2020): 431–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x20914514.

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Historical materials offer evidence for the compensation of ritual workers in antiquity: individuals offering ritual services were compensated in various ways, including through monetary payment. Paul’s letters document his expertise in ritual activities such as the performance of baptisms, offerings of ritual prescriptions, and various pneumatic practices. Given Paul’s statements regarding the free proclamation of the gospel in the Corinthian and Thessalonian correspondence, scholars have not examined the idea of compensation for ritual activity. Compensation for gospel and ritual should not,

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21

Silk, M. S. "PINDAR, OLYMPIAN 2.5–7, TEXT AND COMMENTARY—WITH EXCURSIONS TO ‘PERICTIONE’, EMPEDOCLES AND EURIPIDES’ HIPPOLYTUS." Classical Quarterly 70, no. 2 (2020): 499–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000983882100015x.

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In 1998, I suggested a new text for a notably corrupt passage in Pindar's Isthmian 5. This article is in effect a sequel to that earlier discussion. In the 1998 article, I proposed, inter alia, that the modern vulgate text of I. 5.58, ἐλπίδων ἔκνισ’ ὄπιν, is indefensible and the product of scribal corruption in antiquity, and that chief among the indefensible products of corruption there is the supposed secular use of ὄπις, as if used to mean something like ‘zeal’. This (as I hope to have demonstrated) is a sense for which there is no good evidence in classical Greek, where ὄπις always has a d

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22

McDonnell, Rea. "The Thessalonian Correspondence: Pauline Rhetoric and MiJlenarian Piety. By Robert Jewett. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1986. xv + 240 pages. $17.95." Horizons 15, no. 2 (1988): 384–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0360966900039347.

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23

Longenecker, Bruce W. "The Wrath of the Deities and The Privileged Deceased: Narrating Death in the Associational Rupture at Thessalonica." New Testament Studies 70, no. 1 (2024): 88–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688523000255.

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AbstractAfter Paul, Silvanus and Timothy left Thessalonica, members of the fledgling Christ group in that city experienced death within their social network. Opinions differ as to whether the authors’ comments in 1 Thess 4.13–18 are addressing puzzlement internal to the Christ group alone, or whether these recent deaths also played into the wider discourse of the city. In addressing this issue, I adopt the view, propounded especially by Richard Ascough, that the Thessalonian Christ group had its origins in a civic association. In contrast to Ascough, I propose that the association did not unde

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Longenecker, Bruce W. "The Rupture of an Association: Social Conflict and Its Management in the Thessalonian Christ Assembly." Journal of Biblical Literature 143, no. 1 (2024): 143–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15699/jbl.1431.2024.8.

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Abstract The Christ group in Thessalonica was established when members of an association abandoned their deity and adopted Christ devotion. This interpretation has been advanced by others. While adopting this interpretation in general, I suggest modifications to it. In particular, I propose that the association experienced a split in its membership, with some members staying with the parent association and others breaking off to form a new assembly with a new deity. This scenario offers us a context for understanding the “persecution” experienced by the Thessalonian Christ group, as social con

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25

Doole, J. Andrew. "Did Paul Really Think He Wasn’t Going to Die?" Novum Testamentum 62, no. 1 (2019): 44–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685365-12341655.

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AbstractIt is often claimed that Paul expected the Lord to return in glory within his lifetime, based in part on the text of 1 Thess 4:13–18. Those who have a theological interest in denying Paul’s mistaken optimism have to bend over backwards to explain why this wasn’t the case. The use of the First Person Plural in this passage however may be indicative that Paul was not actually making this claim for himself at all. Both the content and the context suggest rather that Paul, Silvanus and Timothy were providing the Thessalonian Christians with a “soundbite” for mutual and reciprocal encourage

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26

Russell, R. "The Idle in 2 Thess 3.6–12: An Eschatological or a Social Problem?" New Testament Studies 34, no. 1 (1988): 105–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688500022244.

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Much of the scholarly attention given the Thessalonian epistles has been devoted to various debates. These polemics have included the epistles' authenticity, with some arguing that 1 Thess 2. 13–16 and Thessalonians are post-Pauline, often by appealing to letter structure. Lack of agreement exists as well with the interpretation of Paul's eschatology–the letters' main concern - and difference of opinion also characterizes the function of Paul's apology in 1 Thess 2. 1–12 and his paraenesis, particularly in 1 Thess 4. 1–12. While scholars have actively pursued the pros and cons of these issues,

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Berglund, Jonathan. "WORK AND COMMUNITY IN THE THESSALONIAN CORRESPONDENCE: AN AFRICAN COMMUNAL READING OF PAUL'S WORK EXHORTATIONS. By GiftMtukwa. Cumbria: Langham Monographs, 2021. Pp. xv + 225. Paperback, $32.99." Religious Studies Review 49, no. 4 (2023): 656–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/rsr.16743.

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28

Klutz, T. "Review: Church and Community Conflicts: The Relationships of the Thessalonian, Corinthian, and Philippian Churches with their Wider Civic Communities." Journal of Semitic Studies 49, no. 2 (2004): 355–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/49.2.355.

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29

Gino, Canlas. "Ancient Thessalians." Database of Religious History, June 27, 2024. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.12573044.

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The Ancient Thessalians (Thessaloi/Thettaloi/Petthaloi) refer to the inhabitants of Thessaly, whose dominant population belonged to the spectrum of Greek identity. Strictly speaking, "Thessaly" refers to the tetradic Thessalian plains and "Thessalian" refers to the dominant population. Broadly speaking, Thessaly can include the inhabitants of the surrounding regions (the perioikoi), which could include Achaia Phthiotis, Perrhaibia, Magnesia, Malis, Ainis, Oitaia, Dolopia, and Athamania (in different time periods). In addition to the dominant populations of the plains and the perioikoi, Ancient

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30

Gino, Canlas. "Sanctuary of Zeus Thaulios and Ennodia at Pherai (Makalorema)." Database of Religious History, June 27, 2024. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.12573046.

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31

Stelios, Ieremias. "The Sanctuary of Pasikrata at Demetrias." Database of Religious History, June 27, 2024. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.12573506.

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During excavations of the city walls and the south cemetery by A.S. Arvanitopoulos from 1912 to 1915, several sanctuary deposits were revealed just outside a gate of the wall of Demetrias in the southern cemetery. The deposits yielded a wealth of finds: a life-size marble head, marble statuettes (some of which depict Artemis and Aphrodite), inscribed votive stelai and incense burners (miniature altars) mentioning Pasikrata and Artemis En(n)odia, clay vases and lamps, a large clay bust, numerous terracotta figurines, depicting women, men, and children, among which a significant number of kausia

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32

Blomley, Anna Magdalena. "GOING TO SEE THE NYMPHS: LANDSCAPE AND RELIGIOUS EXPERIENCE AT THE ZAR TRYPA CAVE (MOUNT OSSA, THESSALY)." Annual of the British School at Athens, June 8, 2023, 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s006824542200017x.

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This paper focuses on the little-known but important cave-sanctuary of Zar Trypa on Mount Ossa (modern Kissavos) in north-eastern Thessaly. In 1910, research conducted at the site uncovered remains of votives from the Classical, Hellenistic and Roman periods, including a group of eight inscriptions dedicated to the Nymphs. Despite this remarkable epigraphic assemblage, the site was not investigated beyond a single excavation season and today is largely unknown. Consequently, the Zar Trypa cave and its finds have never featured prominently in the discussion of Thessalian religion or of Greek ‘n

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33

Sofia, Pitouli. "Lykousada Monastery." Database of Religious History, June 27, 2024. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.12574012.

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The monastery of the Panagia Eleousa (the Merciful Virgin), otherwise known as the Lykousada monastery, was founded by the nun Hypomone (Patience) in Phanari, a village near Karditsa. A medieval fortress rests at the topmost part of this hillside village. The Lykousada monastery was burnt and destroyed by the Ottoman Turks in 1611; however, alleged spolia survives in the churches of Saint John the Baptist at Phanari (1873) and the Twelve Apostles at Pyrgos Ithōmis (1845). Hypomone's birthname does not survive in primary sources, and she is known only by her monastic name. She was the wife of s

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34

Berglund, Carl Johan. "Paul’s Rhetorical Efforts to Establish Good Will in First Thessalonians." Journal for the Study of the New Testament, April 7, 2022, 0142064X2210874. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x221087423.

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Ancient oratory ordinarily begins with an effort of captatio benevolentiae – the rhetorical strategy of praising and lauding the audience to make them well-disposed toward the speaker, attentive and receptive to your message – especially before controversial claims or challenging demands. In First Thessalonians, such efforts are manifest not only in the introduction in ch. 1, but throughout the narration in chs. 2–3, which implies that the senders are preparing for a particularly sensitive topic. The first exhortation to appear after these efforts cease, the exhortation to sexual holiness in 1

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35

Blomberg, Craig L. "The Perfect Law of Liberty on Poverty and Wealth: A Precursor to Paul?" Tyndale Bulletin 73 (December 13, 2022). http://dx.doi.org/10.53751/001c.39764.

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Even as other tensions are resolved, some scholars continue to pit James against Paul with respect to their views on poverty and wealth. This paper first summarises the main contributions of James to the topic. Then it asks how far back in the letter-writing ministry of Paul can parallels to James be found. Recognizing that relative chronologies usually remain unaltered even if the deutero-Paulines are deemed pseudonymous, the survey looks at the key texts in the Pastorals, the Prison Epistles, 1–2 Corinthians and Romans, the Thessalonian letters and Galatians. It finds the most striking and i

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36

"Collins, R.F. (ed.), The Thessalonian Correspondence (BETL, 87), Peeters/Leuven University Press: Leuven, 1990. Pp. xv + 546. 3000 BF. ISBN 1990-6831-262-6." Journal for the Study of the New Testament 13, no. 42 (1991): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x9101304215.

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37

"JEWETT, R, The Thessalonian Correspondence: Pauline Rhetoric and Millenarian Piety (Foundations and Facets: New Testament), Philadelphia: Fortress 1986. Pp. xv + 240. N.p. ISBN 0-8006-2111-5." Journal for the Study of the New Testament 10, no. 32 (1988): 122. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0142064x8801003219.

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38

"Book Review Section: Journal of Greek Archaeology Volume 6 2021." Journal of Greek Archaeology 6 (2021): 391–447. http://dx.doi.org/10.32028/9781789698886-16.

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Prehistory and Protohistory ; Sarah C. Murray, The Collapse of the Mycenaean Economy. Imports, Trade and Institutions 1300–700 BCE / Chrysanthi Gallou, Death in Mycenaean Laconia. A Silent Place /James C. Wright and Mary K. Dabney (with contributions by Phoebe Acheson, Susan F. Allen, Kathleen M. Forster, Paul Halstead, S.M.A. Hoffman, Anna Karabatsoli, Konstantina Kaza-Papageorgiou, Bartłomiej Lis, Rebecca Mersereau, Hans Mommsen, Jeremy B. Rutter, Tatiana Theodoropoulou, and Jonathan E. Tomlinson), The Mycenaean Settlement on Tsoungiza Hill (Nemea Valley Archaeological Project III) – Oliver

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