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Journal articles on the topic 'Translations from Akkadian'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 12 December 2022

Last updated: 31 July 2025

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1

Bozanic, Nick. "Translations from the Akkadian." Manoa 15, no. 1 (2003): 168–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/man.2003.0068.

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Aleksandrov, Boris E. "On the meaning of the logogram LÚ(.MEŠ)MAŠ.EN.KAK in Hittite cuneiform." Shagi / Steps 10, no. 2 (2024): 54–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.22394/2412-9410-2024-10-2-54-71.

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The article is devoted to the use of the logogram LÚ(.MEŠ)MAŠ.EN.KAK in Hittite texts. This logogram was borrowed from Mesopotamian cuneiform, in which it rendered the Akkadian word muškēnum (lit. ‘the one who bows down, performs proskynesis’). In 1950 E. Laroche showed that the logogram should be read as ašiwant- ‘poor’ in Hittite. However, subsequently several scholars have pointed out that this meaning did not fit well into many contexts. Therefore it was suggested that LÚ(.MEŠ)MAŠ.EN.KAK was rather a social term referring to a certain group of Hittite population dependent of the state (‘pa

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3

Karlsson, Mattias. "On the word timmu in Ashurbanipal’s account of the sacking of Thebes by his army." Orientalia Suecana 73 (October 10, 2024): 133–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.33063/os.v73.590.

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The Akkadian (but originally Sumerian) word timmu features prominently in the Assyrian king Ashurbanipal’s (668–631) account of his army’s sacking of the south-Egyptian city of Thebes. Two tall, heavy, and adorned timmu are said to have been seized from a temple gate in Thebes and transported to Assyria. The question is whether timmu in this context should be translated according to its basic meaning of “column” or if the translation “obelisk” (not mentioned in standard Akkadian dictionaries) is a viable alternative. This article argues that “obelisk” is a fully plausible translation, and disc

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4

Markina, Ekaterina. "Akkadian Sources of Sargon’s (Old Akkad) Dynasty. III. Inscription of Manishtushu. Introduction, Translation from Akkadian and Notes by E.V. Markina." Vestnik drevnei istorii 78, no. 4 (2018): 1081–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032103910006173-3.

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5

Monerie, Julien, and Philippe Clancier. "A Compendium of Official Correspondence from Seleucid Uruk." Altorientalische Forschungen 50, no. 1 (2023): 63–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2023-0007.

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Abstract YOS 20, 87 is a scholarly cuneiform tablet from Hellenistic Uruk. The study of its unusual content shows that it is an Akkadian translation of a collection of Greek official documents issued by the Seleucid administration in the first quarter of the third century BC, concerning the rebuilding of the Bīt Rēš, the main sanctuary of Uruk at the time. These works, which had been recognized on the ground by archaeologists a long time ago, remained unattested until now in the textual records. YOS 20, 87 therefore significantly enhances our understanding of the temple’s history and provides

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6

Kurtik, Gennadij, and Alexander Militarev. "Once more on the origin of Semetic and Greek star names: an astromonic-etymological approach updated." Culture and Cosmos 09, no. 01 (2005): 3–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.0109.0203.

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The contribution is a new version of the paper "From Mesopotamia to Greece: to the Origin of Semitic and Greek Star Names" once written by a Sumerologist (L.Bobrova) and etymologist (A. Militarev), and recently revised, updated and corrected in most part by a historian of the Mesopotamian astronomy (G. Kurtik). The present paper analyzes Sumerian and Akkadian (Babylonian) names of 34 celestial bodies, and their equivalents in other Semitic languages (Arabic, Hebrew, Syrian Aramaic, and Ge`ez, or ancient Ethiopian) and in Greek and Latin. Its main goal is to demonstrate the importance of Sumeri

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7

Wasserman, Nathan. "Treating Garments in the Old Babylonian Period: “At the Cleaners” in a Comparative View." Iraq 75 (2013): 255–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900000486.

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This article examines UET 6/2, 414, the Old Babylonian dialogue between a fuller and a client, commonly referred to as “At the Cleaners”, from the point of view of ancient technology. Drawing upon a wide range of Talmudic and Classical sources mentioning laundry, and based on a careful philological reading of the Akkadian text, this study offers a new understanding of the different stages of washing and treatment of luxury garments in the Old Babylonian period. It is argued that the possible humorous aspect of the text is irrelevant to the fact that UET 6/2, 414 is a unique composition in anti

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8

Gorea, Maria. "From the Aramaic raḥmānāʾ to raḥmānān and al-raḥmān". Millennium 20, № 1 (2023): 91–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mill-2023-0006.

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Abstract The oldest record of the notion of “mercy”, raḥmān, in Aramaic is known from a bilingual text in which the word is the translation of the Akkadian rēmēnû. The latter is used in Mesopotamian onomastics, hymns and prayers, which delivered the oldest formulae of calls for the mercy of gods, especially in a recurrent expression: “the merciful god, that is good to pray,” translated verbatim in the Aramaic text of the statue of Tell Fekheryeh. Almost a thousand years later, the same wording has been inherited unchanged in Palmyrene Aramaic. Nevertheless, the Palmyrene interest on the divine

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9

Al-Rashid, Moudhy. ""His heart is low"." Avar: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Life and Society in the Ancient Near East 1, no. 1 (2022): 29–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/aijls.v1i1.1748.

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Assyrian and Babylonian medical texts written in cuneiform from the first millennium BCE provide a window onto how symptoms and illness were understood. Akkadian medical language employs various strategies to convey aspects of an illness experience, including metaphor, which may provide one way of conceptually organising the experience of illness and filling in blanks in existing knowledge. One metaphor that appears in medical therapeutic texts is a low heart, often phrased as "his heart is low," to denote a depressed state. This article will explore references to this symptom to determine if

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Pozzer, Katia Maria Paim. "WORTH 5 SILVER SHEKELS: SLAVERY IN MESOPOTAMIAN'S PRIVATE ARCHIVES." Heródoto: Revista do Grupo de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre a Antiguidade Clássica e suas Conexões Afro-asiáticas 1, no. 1 (2016): 149–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31669/herodoto.v1i1.30.

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We propose a reflection about the theme of slavery, from the study of the archives of an important businessman in the city of Larsa, in the south Mesopotamian, named Ubar-Šamaš, during the reign of King Rîm-Sîn (1822-1763 BCE). This merchant exercised relevant economic activities, such as buying and selling land in urban and rural areas, silver loans and slave trade. In paleobabylonian society, slave labor did not occupy an important role in the economy, and the conditions of the trade of servantswere directly linked to political conditions, such as war and its economic and social consequences

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11

Nabel, Jake. "The Verb empoliteuō and Greek Citizenship under Arsacid Rule." Classical Journal 120, no. 3 (2025): 249–76. https://doi.org/10.1353/tcj.2025.a952004.

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Abstract: The primary translation for the ancient Greek verb ἐμπολιτεύω in several dictionaries is "to be a citizen, have civil rights." That definition is untenable. The connotations of ἐμπολιτεύω for citizen status are usually indeterminate, but where they are clear, the verb has the opposite meaning and refers to non-citizens rather than citizens. This sense is crucial to the study of Greek citizenship in the Arsacid empire, because ἐμπολιτεύω appears twice in a key passage from Josephus on Greco-Babylonian relations in the poleis of Arsacid Mesopotamia. The verb's dictionary definition has

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Tropper, Josef. "Was machte Onan mit seinem Sperma? Zur Deutung von w ^e šiḥ(h)et in Genesis 38,9". Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft 134, № 3 (2022): 350–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zaw-2022-3007.

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Abstract According to the traditional understanding of Genesis 38:9, whenever Onan would perform the duties of Levirate marriage with Tamar, he would let his sperm »be ruined.« The central verbal form reads: wešiḥ(h)et. In the present contribution this translation is called into question. It will be argued that wešiḥ(h)et here is not to be derived from √šḥt (1) »to ruin,« but from a different root, namely √šḥt 2 »to let flow, to spurt« (corresponding to the Akkadian šaḫātu »to flow [away], to rinse, to wash«). The text would therefore simply state that Onan ejaculated his sperm onto the ground

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13

Jang, Ki-Eun. "Saul’s Israel, the “Hebrews,” and Identity Politics in 1 Samuel 13–14." Journal of Biblical Literature 142, no. 4 (2023): 589–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.15699/jbl.1424.2023.3.

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Abstract This article offers a critical reassessment of the Bible’s עברים (ʿibrîm) and the problems of identification associated with the label with a focus on the two anomalous cases in 1 Sam 13–14 that deviate from an overarching pattern of the gentilic term’s etic usage. Building on the literary-historical and philological analysis of 1 Sam 13:3 and 14:2, I delineate the limits of a previous interpretive spectrum and argue that the identity of the “Hebrews” in these two passages is characterized by their collective capability of choosing and transferring political allegiance. This mobile as

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14

Al-Rawi, F. N. H. "Tablets from the Sippar library IV. Lugale." Iraq 57 (1995): 199–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021088900003089.

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To the memory of the library's excavator,my good friend Walid al-JadirAs reported in Iraq 49, four tablets of the bilingual version of Lugale, the myth of Ninurta, were excavated in the library of Šamaš's temple at Sippar: complete manuscripts of Tablets I, III and IX, and a fragment of Tablet XIII. All the tablets have brief colophons, three of which identify the owner of the tablet as Nabû-ēṭir-napšāti, a member of the Potter family (Paḫāru), who is known from other colophons as the son of one Marduk-šuma-uṣur. They all come from niche 3 A.The tablets are given here in copy, photograph and t

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15

VanDyke, Elizabeth. "Designing the Golden Calf: Pens and Presumption in the Production of a “Divine” Image." Journal of Biblical Literature 141, no. 2 (2022): 219–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.15699/jbl.1412.2022.2.

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Abstract This article reexamines the creation of the golden calf in Exod 32:4a. Though the text in question is brief, it has been a puzzle to translators and commentators since the time of the LXX and warrants reassessment in light of new inscriptional and linguistic data. Syntactical analysis and comparative Semitics show that Aaron not only produced the calf but designed it as well. This interpretation requires glossing the verb in the passage, , according to its cognates in Akkadian and Aramaic as “to draw” or “to design.” The resulting translation solves the grammatical difficulties of the

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16

Orlitskiy, Yuri B. "“In original poetic meter”: “Ethnographic” searches and finds of Russian translation verse of the Silver Age and their interpretations on the pages of periodical press." Philological Sciences. Scientific Essays of Higher Education 1, no. 2 (2024): 46–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.20339/phs.2.1-24.046.

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The article presents a wide range of phenomena of national rhythmic culture that appeared on the pages of periodicals (newspapers, magazines, almanacs) of the early twentieth century, primarily in the translation of foreign language poetic texts, for most of which there are still no adequate analogues in Russian versification. However, thanks to the persistent desire of the authors of that time, such analogues are either found among related phenomena or are reinvented. Moreover, this happens in publications of a wide variety of types: from the elite St. Petersburg “Vesi” to the mass “Samara Mu

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17

Lidov, Andrei A. "Коллекция месопотамских древностей в Йенском университете им. Фридриха Шиллера: история и характеристика собрания". Бюллетень Калмыцкого научного центра Российской академии наук, № 2 (23 грудня 2023): 8–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2587-6503-2023-2-26-8-26.

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The “Frau Professor Hilprecht Collection”, kept at the Institute of Languages and Cultures of the Middle East at Friedrich Schiller University in Jena, is the largest collection of Babylonian antiquities in Germany, rivaling in its cultural and historical significance the collections of the Museum of the Ancient Middle East in Berlin, the University of Pennsylvania Museum in Philadelphia, the Yale Babylonian Collection in New Haven, the Archaeological Museum in Istanbul, the British Museum in London, the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford and a number of other thematic museum collections. Standing out

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18

Montero Fenollós, Juan-Luis. "De Mari a Babilonia: ciudades fortificadas en la antigua Mesopotamia." Vínculos de Historia Revista del Departamento de Historia de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, no. 11 (June 22, 2022): 15–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.18239/vdh_2022.11.01.

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Las ciudades mesopotámicas estaban amuralladas desde sus orígenes. Muralla y ciudad, símbolo de civilización, eran dos conceptos inseparables. Por mandato de los dioses, el rey era el responsable de la fundación de las ciudades y de la construcción de sus sistemas de defensa, que fueron evolucionando como respuesta a los cambios producidos en el arte de la guerra en el Próximo Oriente antiguo. En este artículo se analiza, en particular, la documentación arqueológica y textual de dos modelos de ciudad fortificada: Mari (III-II milenio a. C.), en el norte, y Babilonia (II-I milenio a. C.), en el

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19

Gutherz, Gai, Shai Gordin, Luis Sáenz, Omer Levy, and Jonathan Berant. "Translating Akkadian to English with neural machine translation." PNAS Nexus 2, no. 5 (2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pnasnexus/pgad096.

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Abstract Cuneiform is one of the earliest writing systems in recorded human history (ca. 3,400 BCE–75 CE). Hundreds of thousands of such texts were found over the last two centuries, most of which are written in Sumerian and Akkadian. We show the high potential in assisting scholars and interested laypeople alike, by using natural language processing (NLP) methods such as convolutional neural networks (CNN), to automatically translate Akkadian from cuneiform Unicode glyphs directly to English (C2E) and from transliteration to English (T2E). We show that high-quality translations can be obtaine

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20

Keetman, Jan. "Die Unterdrückung von Uruk: Einwände gegen die Deutung als „mythical history“." Journal of Ancient Near Eastern History, October 31, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/janeh-2022-0002.

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Abstract In this article the thesis is defended, that the mythical tales about Gilgameš and other heroes of the past, are not concerned with telling or evaluating history, but that figures and perhaps events known from the tradition are only used. The term “mythical history”, used by Piotr Steinkeller is not adequate, if understood as a sort of philosophy of the past. Steinkellers example, the oppression of Uruk by Gilgameš, is investigated in detail. Steinkeller has chosen scenes from different stories of the Sumerian Gilgameš-Cycle neglecting their contexts as if they were part of one story.

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21

Barés Gómez, Cristina. "Inferential schema in Akkadian diagnosis: the case of Ah̬h̬$$\bar{a}$$zu." History and Philosophy of the Life Sciences 47, no. 2 (2025). https://doi.org/10.1007/s40656-025-00674-6.

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Abstract The aim of this work is to analyze Akkadian medical diagnosis by examining the reasoning involved in the process. The analysis highlights the importance of uncertainty in the timeline of inference. While prognosis pertains to the future, diagnosis concerns something different; it relates to what has already occurred. It is proposed that the analysis would be incomplete without considering the roles of both the past and present within the inferential framework. Ancient medical diagnosis must be understood by accounting for the entire reasoning structure, which is not captured in a sing

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22

Srecko, Koralija. "Targums." Database of Religious History, June 27, 2024. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.12573411.

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The meaning of the Aramaic word תרגום 'targum' (pl.תרגומים 'targumim') is 'translation' or 'interpretation'. It derives from the Akkadian word targummanu(m) 'interpreter, translator', which first occured in the beginning of the second millenium BCE. The Aramaic word was later adopted in Hebrew and Arabic. The term generally refers to written translations in any language. In the context of biblical (and Jewish) studies, it primarily refers to renderings of biblical texts in Aramaic; i.e. Targums. The Targums are interpretative reproductions of the original (Hebrew) biblical text for the Aramaic

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23

Čech, Pavel. "Easy-Going: The Treatment of Written Records in the Ancient Syropalestine." BAF-Online: Proceedings of the Berner Altorientalisches Forum 1 (January 16, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.22012/baf.2016.04.

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Who invented the Proto-Sinaitic writing? Sophisticated scribes, or unlettered workers? Orly Goldwasser, the chief advocate of the second possibility, borrowed from economic sciences the term ‘disruptive innovation’ that “describes a process by which a product or service takes root initially in simple applications at the bottom of a market and then relentlessly moves ‘up market,’ eventually displacing established competitors.”[1] During the years spent with translations of Levantine texts for a Czech kind of „Context of Scripture“, I had an impression – however daring – that it is possible to g

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24

Simons, Frank. "A New Join to the Hurro-Akkadian Version of the Weidner God List from Emar (Msk 74.108a + Msk 74.158k)." Altorientalische Forschungen 44, no. 1 (2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/aofo-2017-0009.

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AbstractThe present article offers an edition, copy and photographs of a newly identified join to the Hurro-Akkadian bilingual tablet of the so-called Weidner god list from Emar. The new fragment adds substantially to our knowledge of the Hurrian translation of the list and fills in some small gaps in the Akkadian portion. It also offers valuable evidence concerning the identities of three relatively little known deities: Ištarān, who is equated in the text with Kumarbi, Erragal who is equated with Tarḫunta, and

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25

Cohen, Yoram. "An Akkadian-Hittite List of Body Parts (KBo 1.51)." Zeitschrift für Assyriologie und vorderasiatische Archäologie, November 29, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/za-2022-0015.

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Abstract This article provides a complete and comprehensive edition, translation and commentary of KBo 1.51 from Hattuša. It identifies the source as an Akkadian-Hittite list of body parts, some of which are clearly of bovidae, and compares it to two tablets of the same nature: BM 29963 and HS 2944. By doing so, it establishes the existence of a hitherto unknown Akkadian scholarly composition. It discusses the nature of this particular list in relationship with the lexical corpora (Ḫḫ and Uguĝu) and its role as a functional or instructional text in the world of the diviner. The reconstruction

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26

Oliva, J., and E. Torrecilla. "An Appraisal of Ekalte 11 (MBQ-T 65): 34 from Tall Munb?qa (Syria)." ISIMU 13 (February 10, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.15366/isimu2011.13.001.

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El texto acadio de Tell Mumb?qa-Ekalte (Siria): Ek 11 (MBQ-T 65) contiene en su línea 34 un pasaje sumamente raro que todavía permanece sin traducción coherente desde que se publicó este archivo. Aunque este documento emplea una fraseología legal similar a la de otros textos de Ekalte, muestra una diferencia interesante en la utilización del logograma Ì.LÁ.E y su cláusula de penalización. Éstos –logograma y cláusula de penalización– se expresan mediante un patrón desconocido. El claro contexto económico del pasaje asegura, en cualquier caso, que Ì.LÁ.E no se usa en este texto en su posición no

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27

Ryberg Smidt, Gustav, Katrien De Graef, and Els Lefever. "Keep me PoS-ted: experimenting with Part-of-Speech prediction on Old Babylonian letters." it - Information Technology, May 21, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/itit-2023-0129.

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Abstract Within this paper we will account for a cooperation between Ghent University based Assyriologists and computational linguists that has set up a pilot study to analyse the language used in Old Babylonian (OB) letters using Natural Language Processing (NLP) techniques. OB letters make up an interesting dataset because (1) they form an invaluable source for everyday vernacular language, and (2) more than 5000 have been recovered, many of which are accessible in transliteration and translation through the series Altbabylonische Briefe and the Cuneiform Digital Library Initiative. Based on

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28

Isabel, Gomes de Almeida. "Enūma eliš." Database of Religious History, June 27, 2024. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.12574707.

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Enūma eliš, also known as Babylonian Epic of Creation and/or Poem of Exaltation of Marduk consists of 7 tablets and is a long narrative whose main protagonist is the Babylonian tutelar god, Marduk. Although the date of its composition is still a subject of debate (with hypothesis ranging from the beginning until the end of the 2nd millennium BCE), historiography tends to point the period of Nebuchadnezzar I's reign (c. 1125-1104 BCE) as the most plausible one. Nevertheless, most of the manuscripts that survived until present-day are dated to the 1st millennium BCE, written in Babylonian or Ass

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"RS 34.165. The Letter about the Battle of Nihriya. Introduction, Translation from Akkadian and Commentary by B.E. Alexandrov." Vestnik drevnei istorii 83, no. 4 (2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032103910023182-3.

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30

"Epic of Zimr i-Lim. Introduction, Translation from Akkadian and Commentary by I. S. Arkhipov and A. F. Uspenskiy." Vestnik drevnei istorii 83, no. 3 (2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032103910021921-6.

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31

Morganne, Ottobre. "Tell Fekheriyeh Inscription." Database of Religious History, June 27, 2024. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.12574314.

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Tell Fekheriyeh is an archeological site identified as the ancient city of Sikan (located in modern day Syria); an Aramean city thought to be an important cult site for the storm god Hadad. Sikan (and neighboring sites) fell under Neo-Assyrian control around the first half of the 9th century BCE. In February 1979, the Tell Fekheriyeh statue was discovered accidentally by a farmer in the southwest corner of Tell Fekheriyeh and today the statue stands at the National Museum of Damascus. Although the precise date of the statue is debated, most scholars agree the statue most likely dates around th

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32

Troels, Pank Arbøll. "Neo-Assyrian Healers (āšipu/mašmaššu-exorcists)." Database of Religious History, June 27, 2024. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.12575081.

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The exorcist (Akkadian āšipu/mašmaššu) acted in an intellectual community as one of five main scholarly professions throughout the Neo-Assyrian period. Exorcists were primarily concerned with medical and magical healing, as well as diagnosing causes of illness, for private - and frequently highborn - clients. Furthermore, they could perform rituals for the city, temples, and the court. Accordingly, they were often connected to the royal court, as well as official and religious institutions in various cities. However, exorcists were not priests. Among the tools of their trade were numerous ritu

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33

Isabel, Gomes de Almeida. "Nergal and Ereškigal." Database of Religious History, June 27, 2024. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.12575109.

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"Nergal and Ereškigal" is an Akadian literary composition focused on describing how Nergal became ruler of the Netherworld, the Mesopotamian cosmic domain of the dead, traditionally ruled by the goddess Ereškigal. Two main versions of this narrative are presently known: the earlier one was found in Amarna (Egypt), and though it was probably written down during the mid-15th century BCE, the copy exhumated is dated to the 14th century BCE (Pettinato 2000: 5, 47). As for the later version, which is considered the standard one, it is known through two copies, one from Sultantepe (Turkey) dated to

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