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Статті в журналах з теми "Jean de (1550?-1623)":

1

Boesten-Stengel, Albert. "Danzig am Mittelmeer. Die Bronzeskulptur des Neptunbrunnens – Ikonographie, Bilderfindung und Bedeutung." Artium Quaestiones, no. 26 (September 19, 2018): 35–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/aq.2015.26.3.

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The bronze statue of Neptune (around 1615–20) in the Long Market (DługiTarg) in Gdańsk unifies two opposed antique prototypes, a contrapposto figure which shows the god Neptune peacefully resting, and a dynamic figureapplying the trident, his weapon, in combat. The new combination representsmimetically the changeable nature of the god’ s liquid sphere, the sea.In its artistic invention the statue manifests such an exact knowledge andfamiliarity with the study of antiquity and the artistic methods from MichelangeloBuonarroti until to Giambologna (Jean Boulogne, 1529– 1608), thatwe have to look for the artist among those trained in sixteenth Century Florence.Among the works of the Dutch Hubert Gerhard (1550– 1620), traineduntil to 1581 in Florence in the circle of Giambologna and later active inAugsburg and Munich as a leading Northern Mannerist artist, the ArchangelVanquishing Lucifer (1588) at the facade of St Michael’s Church (M unich)comes most close to the movement expressed in the Gdańsk Ne ptune.
2

Bruyn, J. "Een portret van Pieter Aertsen en de Amsterdamse portretschilderkunst 1550-1600." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 113, no. 3 (1999): 107–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501799x00445.

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AbstractThe portrait of Symon Marten Dircksz. (1504-1574) preserved in Athens (fig. I, notes 1, 2), was identified on the strength of his coat of arms. The sitter was a staunch Catholic and held high offices in the Amsterdam city government. His portrait, dated 1565, is the earliest specimen of a type that was produced during the last decades of the sixteenth century by the sons of Pieter Aertsen (1507/ 08-1574), Pieter (1540/41-1603) and Aert Pietersz. (1550-1612) (figs. 2, 3, 4, 8, 9). In view of the documented relations between Pieter Aertsen and various prominent Amsterdam citizens and also because of clearly Mannerist features, the portrait may be attributed to the father. It holds a place of its own among Amsterdam portraits of the period and does not relate to any traditional portrait type either in Amsterdam or in Antwerp, where Aertsen had worked until C. 1555. In spite of similarities in the sitters' postures and the ornate background, the portraits attributable to Pieter Pietersz. and Aert Pictersz. (figs. 2, 3, 4, 8, 9) show the style of a younger generation; pictorial space is rendered in a credible way and the figures also appear more three-dimensonal. A late example is the portrait of Hendrick Buyck, signed by Aert Pietersz. and dated 1605 (fig. 8, note 28). The sitter was a successful merchant and joined the Reformed Church, as did most of his brothers and sisters. His portrait contains a wealth of details which may in part point to the traditional idea of transience but also convey information of a more personal nature, as do the texts on the pages of a open cash-book. At his death in 1613 Hendrick Buyck's estate included a small number of paintings, mostly portraits, and one of The Four Evangelists by Pieter Aertsen ('Lange Pier'). This picture may be tentatively identified with one now at Aachen (fig. 10, note 46). A copy of it bears the date 1613 and was in all likelihood made for some member of the Buyck family when the original was inheritcd by the Protestant Hendrick's illegitimate son. The original bears the date 1559 and may well have already been in the possession of Hendrick's grandfather, Cornelis Buyck, who was Pieter Aertsen's neighbour until his death in 1562. POSTSCRIPT HUYBRECHT BEUCKELAER : AN ANTWERP SOLUTION FOR AN AMSTERDAM AND AN ENGLISH PROBLEM The long-standing debate as to whether or not the Monogrammist HB or Hb (figs. 11 and 12) could be identical with Joachim Bcuckclacr, was convincingly settled by Detlev Kreidl (note 27). This author not only analyzed the artist's distinct style but also showed that it was connected with that of Agnolo Bronzino, in whose studio the Monogrammist probably worked. Infrared reflectography subsequently revealed that the Kitchen-maid with a boy and a girl in Brussels (fig. 12), usually thought to be by Pieter Aertsen but attributed by Kreidl to the Monogrammist, bears the signature in full of one H[uybrecht] Beuckelaer, probably a brother of Joachim (note 27). Documents provide scant information on the artist's life. There is evidence of extensive travelling in 1567/68; a letter of 1574 was sent from Bordeaux. His earliest works date from 1563 but only in 1579 did he become a master in the Antwerp guild. This surprisingly late date may be accounted for by the assumption that until then the artist merely (or mainly) assisted other painters. Van Mander relates that Joachim Beuckelaer assisted Antonis Mor for davwages by painting the sitters' attire in their portraits. This piece of information would however seem rather to apply to Huybrecht, who (contrary to Joachim) paid much attention to the rendering of his figures' clothes. An example of his collaboration with Mor may well be the portrait of a nobleman, signed bv Mor and dated 1561, in the Mauritshuis, The Hague (fig. 15, note 64). A number of features in this picture recur in the Brussels Prodigal Son, which bears Huybrecht Beuckelaer's monogram (fig. 11). Huybrecht appears also to have been a portrait painter in his own right. The Style of his Prodigal Son may be recognized in a portrait of Thecla Occo, a member of the powerful Catholic family of that name in Amsterdam (fig. 13, notes 11 and 52). This picture suggests that Huybrecht was familiar with Mor's 1559 portrait of the wife of Jean le Cocq, now in Kassel, where a similar dog (a symbol of conjugal fidelity) lies in its mistress's arm. However, the main inspiration for the style of the Occo portrait comes from portraits Bronzino painted in the mid-1550s. This is borne out by the build of the tall figure with a slender hand dangling from an arm-rest as well as by the narrow shape of the head, enhanced by the strong shadow zone along the right side of the face (cf. fig. 14). From this (and from a similar case to be discussed below) it may be inferred that Huvbrecht visited Bronzino's workshop carly in his career, before working in Mor's studio around 1560. After 1584 there is no further mention of Huybrecht Beuckelaer in Antwerp documents. There is however evidence that he settled in England, probably after the taking of Antwerp by the Spaniards in 1585. A first clue to this effect is supplied by a portrait of Francis Cottington (1578/79-1652), later first Lord Cottington, that was sold at auction in 1922 (fig. 16, note 65). The picture is in many respects very similar to the Prodigal Son though it must, judging by the sitter's age and costume, be dated to the years around 1600, possibly to 1605 when Cottington was appointed secretary to the English ambassador in Spain. The artist's style had remained remarkably constant over the years, and so had his use of Bronzino prototypes. The latter's portrait of the youthful Lodovico Capponi (New York, Frick Collection) must have been in Huybrccht's mind when he designed young Cottington's portrait (fig. 17). There must have been quite a few portraits of distinguished English patrons by Huybrecht Beuckelaer besides the one of Cottington (which is not documented). This is supported by inventories from the years 1583-1590 which mention works by one Hubbert or Hubbard, long considered to have been a Netherlandish artist named Hubert (or Huybrecht - the artist actually used both forms of his name). The works described (notes 72, 73, 75 -77) were mostly portraits. But the earliest mention of his name occurs in connection with A Butcher and a Maid Buying Meat in the Earl of Leicester's collection in 1583. This was obviously a work in the Aertsen-Beuckelaer tradition, such as one might expect from Huybrecht Beuckelaer.
3

Mombello, Gianni. "Une supercherie littéraire." Reinardus / Yearbook of the International Reynard Society 14 (December 3, 2001): 223–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/rein.14.15mom.

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Description de deux éditions de fables que l’éditeur de Cologne Michel Demenius avait publiées, en 1640 et en 1662, sous le nom de Pierre de La Serre. Il s’agit d’éditions pirate qui reproduisent mot à mot la traduction française que Jean Meslier avait publiée, à partir de 1629, dans son recueil trilingue des fables d’Esope. On signale aussi que la source du fablier de Jean Meslier est le recueil qu’Aldo Manuzio l’Ancien avait publié à Venise, en 1505 et qui avait été repris, en 1610, par Isaak Nicolaus Nevelet dans la première partie de saMythologia Æsopica.
4

Calvo González, José. "IMAGO IURIS EN LA ALLEGORIE VAN JUSTITIA MET DOODZONDEN cultura visual del Derecho: La pictura del sistema inquisitivo europeo durante el S. XVI." Revista Jurídica de Investigación e Innovación Educativa (REJIE Nueva Época), no. 26 (January 19, 2022): 15–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.24310/rejie.vi26.14127.

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El texto ofrece el análisis visual de óleo sobre tabla, Justitia Zeven Hoofdzonden, obra de de Antoon Claeissens (ca. 1536-1613), datada a 1584, confrontando otras versiones cmo son aguafuerte Iusticia, de Luca Penni (ca. 1500-1504-1556), realizado por Léon Davent, grabador del mediados del s. XVI, y el también óleo sobre tabla de Pieter Claeissens de Oude (ca. 1499-1576) que lleva por título Justitia overwint de zeven hoofdzonden (1570- 1613). El A. sostiene que la raigambre medieval de la temática de estas tres obras, relacionada con la alegoría de los siete pecados capitales, posee una dimensión jurídico conectada reformas procesales emprendidas por Francisco I de Francia (1494-1547) para la transición del sistema acusatorio al inquisitivo por la Ordonnance Villers-Cotterets (Ordonnance sur le fait de la Justice, 1539). En ese sentido, introduce nuevas referencias visuales, como la estampa Iusticia, de Pieter Bruegel de Oude (1525- 1569), grabada (1559) por Philips Galle (1537- 1612), y destaca elementos funcionales específicos acerca de desconocimiento del acusado de los cargos formulados en su contra, y la efectiva práctica de la diligencia probatoria de tortura (tortura judicial). Se remarca de esta manera la fuerza explicativa de la cultura visual del Derecho que, en efecto, se situará como una verdadera alternativa al conocimiento jurídico exclusivamente derivado de lo textual. Obras como Praxis rerum criminalium elegantissimis iconibus ad Materiam accommodatis illustrata (1554) y el Enchiridion Rerum Criminalium (1554), del holandés Joos de Damhouder (1507-1581), y Praxis criminis persequendi, elegantibus aliquot figuris illustrata (1541), de Jean de Milles de Souvigny (1490?-1563), emplean en abundancia el recurso a imágenes (xilografías) para retratar las formas de conducción y trato del acusado. Aislados esos rasgos el A. concluye en que la nueva imaginería jurídico-moral de la Justicia a que la introducción del sistema inquisitivo da lugar en Europa durante el s. XVI se encuentra dotada de una plástica inquietante. Este trabajo, pues, proyecta desde la perspectiva cultura visual del Derecho un innovador enfoque para estudio de problemas jurídicos y su mejor comprensión.
5

Kintz, Jean-Pierre. "Jacquetin-Gaudet (Alberte), Joannes Serreius (Jean Serrier) grammaire française (1623)." Revue d’Alsace, no. 132 (September 1, 2006): 529–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/alsace.1340.

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6

Choné, Paulette. "Jean de Lorraine (1498-1550), cardinal et mécène." Histoire et littérature de l'Europe du Nord-Ouest, no. 40 (January 1, 2009): 89–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/hleno.219.

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7

Klauber, Martin I. "The Drive Toward Protestant Union in Early Eighteenth-Century Geneva: Jean-Alphonse Turrettini on the “Fundamental Articles” of the Faith." Church History 61, no. 3 (September 1992): 334–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168374.

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Jean-Alphonse Turrettini (1671–1737) was the last of the line of theology professors from his family at the Academy of Geneva, following his grandfather Benedict (1588–1631) and his father François (1623–1687), the famed Reformed scholastic theologian. Jean-Alphonse started his theological career as the pastor of the Italian congregation in Geneva in 1693; he was then named professor of church history at the Academy in 1697 and then rector in 1701 and finally professor of theology in 1705. Although his father was one of the principal architects of the Helvetic Formula Consensus (1675), Jean-Alphonse led the movement toward eliminating such credal religion through the abrogation of the Formula in 1706.
8

Oliveira, Paula Cristina, Ana Alexandra Ribeiro Coutinho De Oliveira, Elza Maria Alves De Sousa Amaral, and João Paulo Moura. "Uma Rota pelos Instrumentos de Cálculo." História da Ciência e Ensino: construindo interfaces 20 (December 29, 2019): 787–801. http://dx.doi.org/10.23925/2178-2911.2019v20espp787-801.

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Resumo O objetivo deste trabalho é dar a conhecer a evolução das ferramentas de apoio ao cálculo matemático. Começamos esta jornada cronológica pelos mecanismos mais rudimentares que só realizavam operações de adição e subtração, como por exemplo o ábaco e o Khipu. No séc. XVII, matemáticos como o escocês John Napier (1550- 1617), o inglês William Oughtred (1574-1660) e o francês Blaise Pascal (1623-1662) desenvolveram mecanismos cada vez mais sofisticados para realizar cálculos matemáticos avançados. Estes instrumentos foram sendo cada vez mais aperfeiçoados em termos de dimensão e versatilidade até à descoberta do primeiro circuito integrado, em 1958, pelo físico americano Jack Kilby (1923-2005) que proporcionou o desenvolvimento desses instrumentos, dotando-os de maior capacidade de cálculo e representação - as máquinas de calcular. Palavras-chave: ciência, cálculo, mecanismos.Abstract The objective of this work is to present the evolution of mathematical calculus support tools. We began this chronological journey by the most rudimentary mechanisms that only carried out addition and subtraction operations, as for example the abacus and the Khipu. In the 17th century, mathematicians such as Scotsman John Napier (1550-1617), Englishman William Oughtred (1574-1660) and Frenchman Blaise Pascal (1623-1662) developed progressively more sophisticated mechanisms to perform advanced mathematical calculations. These instruments were increasingly improved in terms of dimension and versatility until the discovery of the first integrated circuit in 1958 by the American physicist Jack Kilby (1923-2005) who provided the development of these instruments, giving them a greater capacity of calculation and representation - the Calculating Machines. Keywords: science, calculus, mechanisms.
9

Krings, Véronique. "Jean-François Séguier (1703-1784). Un Nîmois dans l’Europe des Lumières." Anabases, no. 2 (October 1, 2005): 252–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/anabases.1550.

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10

Duprat, Anne. "Entre poétique et interprétation. Sur la Lettre-préface de Jean Chapelain à l’Adone de Marino (1623)." Littératures classiques N° 86, no. 1 (2015): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/licla1.086.0117.

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Дисертації з теми "Jean de (1550?-1623)":

1

Goeury, Julien. "L'autopsie et le théorème : une poétique des "Théorèmes" de Jean de La Ceppède." Paris 4, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA040275.

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Ce travail se présente sous la forme d'une autopsie des Théorèmes, de Jean de La Ceppède dont les principes d'élaboration et de représentation esthétique justifient qu'on leur porte en effet un tel regard. Autopsier, c'est donc à la fois contempler la contemplation et examiner le texte dans ses différentes composantes organiques. C'est chercher à comprendre l'intensité spirituelle du regard en étudiant "l'organe de la vue", c'est aussi chercher ce qui anime le corps en prière, ce qui permet à cet œil de voir. Le paradigme corporel correspond d'ailleurs à un mode de représentation artistique foncièrement ambivalent depuis la renaissance. Il y a en effet d'une part l'image du corps in praesentia comme modèle structurel canonique (parce que l'œuvre est toujours à la recherche d'une forme) et de l'autre celle du corps in absentia comme modèle générique (parce que l'œuvre est aussi à la recherche d'une nature). Or ces deux représentations opposées se retrouvent implicitement dans la façon dont on peut rendre compte de la conception profonde des Théorèmes. Il y a à la fois le corps architectural, conçu selon des exigences complémentaires de cohérence (disposition fonctionnelle d'éléments hiérarchisés) et d'autonomie (autorégulation interne d'un microcosme théologique et poétique), et le poème inspiré, vivant et innervé, qui conserve les traces de sa profération physique. Autopsier la contemplation revient donc à passer de l'apparence extérieure du corps objet (la morphologie) à sa conformation intérieure (l'anatomie et la physiologie) avant de pouvoir en représenter le principe vital (la psychologie).
2

Beaurepaire, Florence de. "Jean de La Ceppède : imitation des pseaumes de la pénitence de David." Dijon, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997DIJOL028.

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Edition critique de "L'imitation des pseaumes de la pénitence de David" : le texte du poète est suivi de notes indiquant essentiellement ses sources théologiques et les variantes. Le relevé des variantes orthographiques d'une édition à l'autre fait l'objet, avec un commentaire, d'un index à part.
3

Salliot, Natacha. "La rhétorique dans la théologie : les controverses religieuses en France sous le règne d'Henri IV : autour du livre de la Saincte Eucharistie de Philippe Duplessis-Mornay." Paris 4, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA040275.

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Sous Henri IV, la controverse religieuse, en plein essor, oppose protestants et catholiques à la faveur de compositions tant orales qu’écrites, où de volumineux traités théologiques côtoient des publications plus circonstancielles, comme les récits de conversion et les comptes rendus de conférence. Espace de lutte, le discours déploie sans cesse de nouvelles stratégies pour dominer l’adversaire. Tout procédé relevant de l’art du discours devient une arme : en complément des ressources de la dialectique, les polémistes n’hésitent pas à user de la preuve extrinsèque et de l’argument historique, à exploiter l’ethos et le pathos, en s’adaptant à différents publics et aux enjeux politiques sous-jacents. En quête permanente d’efficacité, ils aspirent à rendre manifeste la vérité par le biais de rapides réponses, répliques et réfutations entrecroisées , inscrites dans une dimension littéraire : au fil des attaques, la controverse affine son arsenal et introduit la rhétorique, art de persuader, dans la théologie. La publication en 1598 du traité de Duplessis-Mornay visant la messe et l’ensemble de la doctrine et des pratiques de l’Eglise catholique romaine, déclenche une ample offensive catholique : centrée sur la discussion de la validité des références manipulées, elle se prolongera jusque dans les années 1620. Boulenger, Fronton du Duc, Jean de Bordes, Richeome et très certainement, Arnauld de Pontac (sous le nom Du Puy) s’emploient à ruiner la réputation du livre et de son auteur. Puis c’est au tour de Du Perron, futur cardinal, d’entrer dans la mêlée : il s’approprie la notoriété de l’affaire lors de la célébre conférence de Fontainebleau du 4 mai 1600
Under Henri IV, religious controversy between Protestants and Catholics reached a climax in both oral and written compositions, ranging from voluminous theological treatises to more circumstantial publications such as narratives of conversions or conference accounts. Definig a space of struggle, discourses continuously resorted to new strategies to dominate the enemy. Any ploy belonging to the art of discourse thus became a weapon; in addition to dialectics, polemicists did not hesitate to use extrinsic evidence or historical arguments, to resort to ethos and pathos, according to varying audiences and implicit political stakes. Always in pursuit of efficiency, they aspired to making the truth manifest by combining rapid responses, rejoinders and refutations endowed with a literary dimension. As attacks increased, the arsenal of weapons employed was refined, and rhetoric, the art of persuasion, was introduced into theology. The publication of Duplessis-Mornay’s treatise of 1598, attacking Mass and the entire doctrine and practic of the Roman Catholic Church, sparked a vast Catholic onslaught; centred on a discussion of the validity of the references summoned, this offensive carried on until the 1620’s. Boulenger, Fronton du Duc, Jean de Bordes, Richeome and most probably Arnauld de Pontac (under the name of Du Puy), undertook to attack the book and discredit its author. Finally, future cardinal Du Perron entered the fray, appropriating the notoriety of the affair at the famous conference of Fontainebleau on 4 May 1600
4

Maag, Karine Yvonne. "Geneva as a centre of Calvinist higher education, 1559-1620." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13598.

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This thesis examines the provision of higher education in a Calvinist setting in 16th century Europe. The change from Catholicism to Protestantism made it imperative to remodel existing centres of higher education, or to create new ones, in order to train the first generations of Protestants for civil and ecclesiastical posts. In particular, ministers were urgently needed for the expanding number of congregations across Europe. By analysing the example of the Genevan Academy, founded in 1559 by Calvin, one can observe the operation of one of these new centres of learning in the 16th and early 17th centuries. Based on magisterial and ministerial records, together with letters discussing students and training, this study, in contrast to institutional history, examines Reformation higher education from the perspective of its participants, namely students, professors, ministers and magistrates. As Geneva acted as a centre of refuge and advice for Protestants across Europe, its role as a pre-eminent centre of Calvinist higher education simply reinforced the city's reputation. Yet the existence of the Academy between 1559 and 1620 was not without tension, particularly between the Genevan ministers and magistrates, each of whom had different expectations regarding the Academy's ultimate purpose. While the ministers saw the Academy as a humanist seminary, the magistrates wanted to expand its scope to include subjects such as law and medicine, bringing the Academy closer to a university model. Indeed, Geneva's Academy was not the only Calvinist centre of higher learning attracting students in the later Reformation period. Zurich's academy, and the universities of Heidelberg and Leiden, though each differed in structure and approach, provided alternative and sometimes competing forms of higher study. Through an examination of these other centres of learning and of their students, one can assess more effectively what role Geneva's institution played in the European Reformed educational world.
5

Servelo, Jean-Jacques. "Jean Boucher (1550-1646) ou la théocratie révolutionnaire." Aix-Marseille 3, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001AIX32008.

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Jean boucher est l'un des predicateurs ligueurs dont le role et la pensee politique durant la ligue restent encore meconnus de nos jours. Adversaire tant des valois que des bourbons, il vise a instaurer en france une theocratie revolutionnaire dirigee par un groupe politico- religieux : les seize. A cet egard, il justifie le regicide, qu'il qualifie de tyrannicide, et son ultramontanisme le pousse a renier les lois fondamentales du royaume afin d'installer sur le trone de france l'infante d'espagne de meme, convaincu de l'universalite de l'eglise, il s'oppose au gallicanisme de l'eglise de france et de la royaute qui refusent l'integration des decisions du concile de trente dans l'ordonnancement juridique francais. Enfin, defenseur des jesuites, il cherche a faire annuler leur bannissement en demontrant leur strict respect eu egard a leurs regles institutionnelles
6

Marchal-Weyl, Catherine. "Le personnage de la scène espagnole à la scène française, 1629-1663 : contribution à l'analyse de deux esthétiques dramatiques." Nancy 2, 2002. http://docnum.univ-lorraine.fr/prive/NANCY2/doc151/2002NAN21007_1.pdf.

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Les imitations du théâtre du Siècle d'Or connurent, entre 1630 et 1660, un épanouissement paradoxal compte tenu des divergences esthétiques entre les deux dramaturgies. Après un rappel du contexte culturel dans lequel s'inscrit ce mouvement d'imitation et des caractéristiques de la comedia, l'analyse se concentre sur l'étude des personnages dans les tragi-comédies et comédies de trois auteurs représentatifs des tendances générales de ce mouvement - Rotrou, Boisrobert, Scarron. Les transformations qu'ils apportent à leurs modèles soulignent que leur intérêt tient à l'exaltation des valeurs nobiliaires, à travers une dramaturgie des fausses apparences construite autour du déguisement d'identité. L'acclimatation de la comedia en dénature ainsi la structure, modifiant l'équilibre des personnages, qui tendent à devenir des caractères. Enfin sont mises en évidence les constantes et les évolutions d'une vague d'adaptations qui nourrit, sur les plans structurel et thématique, les changements du théâtre français du premier XVIIe siècle, et dont l'examen permet de dégager des préceptes de bienséance et de vraisemblance, communs aux deux théâtres, des conceptions opposées de l'illusion dramatique
Despite the differences that oppose both dramatic arts, French imitations of the Spanish Golden Age theatre blossomed between 1630 and 1660. This study first recalls the cultural context in which these adaptations took place and the most striking features of the comedia. Then the analysis focuses on the characters in the tragi-comedies and comedies of three authors whose works are representative of the general trends : Rotrou, Boisrobert and Scarron. The choice of their reference models and the changes they made to them reveal that their interest is linked with the aristocratic value system praised by the Spanish theatre and its game of false appearances built on disguises. The adapters also distorted the structure of the comedia, introducing an imbalance between the characters, which tend to have fixed features. The comparison between French adaptations and their Spanish sources clarifies the evolutions and permanent features of this imitation movement which contributed to the development of the French theatre during the XVIIth century. It stresses that although both dramatic arts rely on the same principles, like propriety and verisimilitude, they led to opposite ideas of dramatic illusion
7

Métin, Frédéric. "La fortification géométrique de Jean Errard et l’école française de fortification (1550-1650)." Thesis, Nantes, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016NANT4055.

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Au début du XVI e siècle, une nouvelle manière de fortifier est inventée en Italie, afin de protéger les villes de la puissance des canons. Le protestant lorrain Jean Errard (1554-1610), formé à cette manière italienne, devient le principal ingénieur militaire d’Henri IV, qui le charge de rédiger un ouvrage de synthèse sur ce sujet. Errard a déjà publié une Géométrie pratique, ainsi qu’une édition des Éléments d’Euclide, et son intervention en 1594 dans la controverse sur la quadrature du cercle proposée Scaliger met en lumière sa qualité de mathématicien reconnu par ses pairs. Sa Fortification reduicte en art et demonstrée, qui paraît en 1600, est le premier ouvrage français qui présente l’architecture militaire bastionnée en établissant ses principes sur une analyse des forces en présence et en s’appuyant sur la géométrie euclidienne pour justifier l’adéquation des tracés aux contraintes. Nous présentons le contexte de la formation d’Errard dans la seconde moitié du XVI e siècle, et nous décrivons son parcours d’ingénieur militaire et d’auteur d’ouvrages, en nous efforçant de préciser sa biographie. Notre analyse de sa Fortification met en évidence une méthode que nous qualifions de fortification géométrique. Nous cherchons ensuite à estimer la réception de l’ouvrage dans le milieu des ingénieurs et dans l’enseignement en France, d’une part par les maîtres privés, et d’autre part, par les professeurs des collèges jésuites. Nous dressons un état des écrits de la première moitié du XVII e siècle, pour montrer comment s'édifie, à partir de l’œuvre d'Errard, ce que nous pouvons nommer une école française de fortification
In the beginning of the 17th century, Italians engineers created a new manner of fortifying cities in order to make them able to resist the power of guns. Jean Errard (1554-1610), a protestant from Lorraine, was trained in this new manner, and he became the principal engineer of French King Henri IV, who commissioned him to write a book on that subject. Errard had already published a Practical Geometry and an edition of Euclid’s Elements. His involvement in the controversy about Scaliger’s quadrature of the circle sheds light on his high abilities in mathematics, as recognized by his peers. His Fortification reduicte en art et demonstrée ("Fortification reduced into art and demonstrated") published in 1600, is the first French book which explains the principles of military architecture by analyzing the forces involved and using Euclidean geometry to justify the reliability of the fortresses, according to the constraints. We study the context of the second half of the 16th century, when Errard was trained. We describe his career as a military engineer and as a writer, trying to clarify several points of his biography. Our analysis of his book on fortification reveals a special method that we call geometric fortification. We trace the reception of this geometric fortification amongst the engineers as well as the teachers in France. We consider both cases of private teachers and Jesuit colleges professors. We finally paint a picture of the writings in the first half of the 17th century, in order to show how what we call a French School of Fortification was edified upon Errard’s works
8

Tribout, Bruno. "Les récits de conjuration sous le règne de Louis XIV (1651-1715)." Paris 4, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007PA040286.

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Cette thèse a pour objet la mise en série d'une dizaine de récits de conjuration (Sarasin, Retz, Saint-Réal, Vertot, Le Noble…) publiés sous Louis XIV en dépit de l'interdit pesant sur ce sujet. Bien que disparates génériquement, ces ouvrages partagent une esthétique paradoxale fondée sur une distribution ambivalente de l'éloge et du blâme, qui rend leur sens politique difficile à établir. Pour ce faire, une première partie reconstitue les contextes historique, théorique et esthétique de l'évocation des conjurations, faisant surgir diverses facettes d'un même paradoxe : si le corpus voit le jour au moment où les conjurations disparaissent des pratiques, si la portée critique des conjurations pointe jusque dans les doctrines politiques de l'absolutisme, du point de vue esthétique, la topique en question n'est pas moins pourvoyeuse de paradoxes puisqu'elle permet de juxtaposer éloge du roi et éloge des conjurés afin de délivrer un double enseignement moral destiné aux sujets comme au prince. C'est donc sur le plan esthétique qu'il faut chercher la clef de lecture du corpus. Pour ce faire, après avoir souligné, dans une seconde partie, l'idiosyncrasie des textes et montré que, malgré les influences de l'historiographie (notamment Salluste) et de la nouvelle historique, on ne saurait parler d'un (sous-)genre du récit de conjuration, l'enquête suggère que la cohérence du corpus tient, d'une part, à une esthétique de l'éloge paradoxal en faveur de la concorde civile et, d'autre part, aux vertus apaisantes d'un récit à suspens qui exploite chez le lecteur la hantise de la chute des monarchies et le plaisir de jouer à se faire peur, pour louer la stabilité d'un grand règne
In my thesis, I analyse a series of conspiracy narratives published in the reign of Louis XIV by such authors as Sarasin, Retz, Saint-Réal, Vertot, Le Noble, etc. Though pertaining to a variety of literary genres, the corpus texts share a paradoxical aesthetics alternating between praise and condemnation, rendering their political significance difficult to decipher. To this end, the first part of my thesis reconstitutes the historical, theoretical and aesthetical context in which conspiracies occurred. This approach highlights various aspects of the same paradox : from historical point of view, the corpus texts appeared when the nobility tended to disregard conspiracy as a means of action ; in the history of ideas, philosophers could not always keep the theory of absolutism clear of the compromising topic of conspiracy and, in literature, praise for the king and praise for conspirators were often intertwined to convey a dual message of virtue and obedience. Thus it is at the level of aesthetics that an answer to the political ambiguity of the corpus texts should be sought. With this in mind, in the second part of my thesis, I analyse firstly the specificity of each text and show that despite their link to history or the historical novel, they do not form a genre apart. Instead, the coherence of the corpus texts is to be found in the aesthetics of paradoxical praise for peace and in the reassuring virtues of narratives which, to the readers’ delight, use the threat of the fall of empires as a means of showing the benefits of a stable and glorious monarchy
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Cureau, Sandra. "Édition critique des œuvres poétiques de Jean Auvray (1580?-1624), poète rouennais Précédée d'une introduction sur la poétique de l’auteur et sur la genèse de ses textes." Thesis, Paris 4, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA040219.

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Jean Auvray (1580 ? - 1624), poète normand, auteur de pieux ouvrages comme de « satyres » grinçantes ou grivoises, figure en bonne place dans les anthologies de la poésie baroque française. Et pourtant l’homme et le poète demeurent pour une large part méconnus du public moderne. La lecture de ses œuvres se réduit le plus souvent à celle d’extraits ou de morceaux de bravoure. Il a toutefois, contrairement à d’autres minores de son temps, laissé derrière lui un grand nombre de pièces poétiques qu’il s’était donné la peine de faire imprimer sous son nom. À travers sa trajectoire personnelle, comme à travers l’abondance et la variété des pièces qu’il a produites, s’esquisse un autre parcours d’écrivain que celui des « modèles » auxquels l’histoire littéraire ou même la sociologie historique nous ont habitués. C’est précisément ce parcours à la fois singulier et exemplaire que notre recherche s’est efforcée de restituer. Une partie introductive pose à cet effet des jalons biographiques et bibliographiques permettant de cerner au plus près les contours de l’homme et du poète qu’il fut à cette époque. Elle analyse ensuite différents jugements critiques portés sur le « sieur Auvray », afin d’ouvrir de nouvelles pistes à la compréhension et à l’analyse de ses œuvres. La seconde partie consiste en une édition critique de l’ensemble de ses « essais poétiques », en suivant l’ordre chronologique de leur parution
Jean Auvray (1580 ?-1624), a Norman poet who composed pious poems as well as bitter and even bawdy satires, holds a significant place among the authors featured in anthologies of French baroque poetry. The man and the poet remain largely unknown to most modern readers, however. For the most part, knowledge of his works is limited to a few extracts and bravura passages of verse. Yet, unlike other “minores” of his time, he left behind a large number of poems, which he took the trouble to have printed under his own name. His personality, his career and the abundant and various production he has handed down to us reveal a writer whose path differs from the usual “models” we know from literary history or even historical sociology. In our research, we have attempted to reconstruct this path, at once remarkable and exemplary. The first section establishes some biographical and bibliographical landmarks that enable us to sketch out a portrait of the man and the poet in his time. It then analyzes the various critical judgements passed on the “sieur Auvray”, in order to open new avenues towards a better understanding and analysis of his works. The second section consists in a critical edition of his complete “poetical essays”, in chronological order of publication
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Chalaye, Sylvie. "Du noir au nègre à travers le théâtre français (1550-1960) : l'image du Noir de Marguerite de Navarre à Jean Genet." Paris 3, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1996PA030053.

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Cette recherche se propose d'analyser l'image du noir, en france, au theatre, dans le regard du blanc, de la renaissance au vingtieme siecle, et plus precisement des permieres representations du roi mage noir aux tentatives theatrales de destruction du personnage de negre a la veille des independances. Il s'agit d'envisager le noir comme personnage dramatique, mais surtout de comprendre a travers le theatre comment se sont fabriques les cliches et les stereotypes qui sont a l'origine du negre. Alors qu'il n'est encore qu'une vague couleur a la renaissance, le noir s'est recouvert d'une coque de prejuges qui l'ont peu a peu enferme dans l'image du negre, ce sont les stratifications successives de ces concretions ideologiques et culturelles que nous tentons d'analyser. Le theatre est donc ici avant tout envisage comme un phenomene de societe et l'enquete fait largement intervenir la presse afin de mesurer l'evolution des mentalites et de degager une histoire de la reception du noir au theatre. L'approche se veut chronologique et met en oeuvre l'environnement politique et economique dans lequel s'inscrivent les pieces et spectacles envisages. Etroitement liees au contexte politique, les representations du negre ont ete tout aussi bien objets de censure qu'instruments de propagande. D'autre part cette histoire de l'image du noir au theatre se veut regulierement eclairee par une etude de l'iconographie et en particulier des representations de noirs que l'on peut trouver dans la peinture. Car les recherches esthetiques des peintres, comme les influences ideologiques qu'ils subissent, rencontrent assez souvent celles des dramaturges
This research aims to analyze the image of the black man in french drama, as seen by whites, from the renaissances to the twentieth century, and in particular from the first representations of the black magus to theatrical attempts to destroy the "nigger" character on the eve of decolonization. We intend to consider the black man as dramatic character. Above all, however, by studying the theater, we strive to understand how cliches and stereotypes from which the "nigger" originated were formed. Whilst the black man was only a vague color during the renaissance, he was enveloped in a shell of prejudice which gradually locked him into the image of the "nigger"; we attempt to analyze these successive strata of ideological and cultural concretions. The theater is consequently primarily considered here as reflection of society and the survey makes ample use of the press to assess the changes in mentalities and to draw a history of how the public reacted to the black man in drama. The study is presented in chronological order and implements the political and economic environment within which the plays and shows under consideration lie. Closely linked to the political context, representations of the "nigger" were both objets of censorship and instrumental in propaganda. This history of the image of the image of the black man in theater is also regularly clarified by means of a study of the iconography and in particular of representations of blacks in art, as artist' aesthetic research, as well as the ideological influence they undergo, are often at one with those of playwrights

Книги з теми "Jean de (1550?-1623)":

1

Bezděčka, Josef. Jen pro havraní smích: Historický román z let 1550-1632. Olomouc: Memoria, 1999.

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2

Dreyfus, Paul. Saint Jean de Dieu: 1495-1550 : le père de l'hôpital moderne. Paris: Bayard Editions/Centurion, 1995.

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3

Chalaye, Sylvie. Du noir au nègre: L'image du noir au théâtre : de Marguerite de Navarre à Jean Genet (1550-1960). Paris: Harmattan, 1998.

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4

Kammerer, Elsa. Jean de Vauzelles et le creuset lyonnais: Un humaniste catholique au service de Marguerite de Navarre entre France, Italie et Allemagne (1520-1550). Genève: Librairie Droz, 2013.

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5

Maguire, Matthew W. The conversion of imagination: From Pascal through Rousseau to Tocqueville. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006.

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6

Loevlie, Elisabeth Marie. Literary silences in Pascal, Rousseau, and Beckett. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2003.

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7

Parsons, Michael. Calvin's Preaching on the Prophet Micah: The 1550-51 Sermons in Geneva. Edwin Mellen Press, 2006.

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8

François, Roudaut, ed. Jean (c. 1525-1570) et Josias (C. 1560-1626) Mercier: L'amour de la philologie à la Renaissance et au début de l'âge classique : actes du colloque d'Uzès (2 et 3 mars 2001). Paris: H. Champion, 2006.

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9

François, Roudaut, ed. Jean (c. 1525-1570) et Josias (c. 1560-1626) Mercier: L'amour de la philologie à la Renaissance et au début de l'âge classique : actes du colloque d'Uzès (2 et 3 mars 2001). Paris: Champion, 2006.

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10

Goldmann, Lucien. Hidden God: A Study of Tragic Vision in the Pensees of Pascal and the Tragedies of Racine. Taylor & Francis Group, 2016.

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Частини книг з теми "Jean de (1550?-1623)":

1

Thomson, Ann. "Questioning Church Doctrine in Private Correspondence in the Eighteenth Century: Jean Bouhier’s Doubts Concerning the Soul." In Debating the Faith: Religion and Letter Writing in Great Britain, 1550-1800, 195–208. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-5216-0_12.

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2

Michon, Cédric. "Jean de Lorraine (1498-1550)." In Les conseillers de François Ier, 383–99. Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.pur.120042.

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3

Aguinaga Alfonso, Magdalena. "Diálogo ficticio entre Jean Guitton y Blaise Pascal." In La presencia del ausente. Dios en literaratos contemporáneos, 13–22. Ediciones de la Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18239/estudios_2021.173.01.

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En la comunicación abordaremos el diálogo ficticio entre Jean Guitton (1901-1999) y Blaise Pascal (1623-1662) por su interés en el análisis del ateísmo, del teísmo religioso y el materialista, debate que está muy presente en nuestra sociedad actual.
4

"Elisabeth Vigée-Lebrun (1755–1842 Paris) and her biographer, Jean-Baptiste-Pierre Lebrun (1748–1813 Paris)." In Life stories of women artists, 1550–1800, 440–54. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315091815-32.

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5

Oyarbide Magaña, Ernesto E. "Between Love and Hate : Thomas Scott’s Puritan Propaganda and His Interest in Spanish Culture." In Literary Hispanophobia and Hispanophilia in Britain and the Low Countries (1550-1850). Nieuwe Prinsengracht 89 1018 VR Amsterdam Nederland: Amsterdam University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789462989375_ch03.

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In 1612 Diego Sarmiento de Acuña, first count of Gondomar, was appointed Spanish ambassador to London, where he proved essential for the fostering of Anglo-Spanish relations and promoted the marriage negotiations between the Prince of Wales and the Spanish Infanta. However, when in 1623 these negotiations failed, popular animosity reached a high point. This chapter focuses on some of the most poignant anti-Spanish propaganda produced against Gondomar by the Protestant preacher Thomas Scott (d. 1626). [...] Nonetheless, premodern propaganda did not lack interpretative complexity. Behind the hateful disparagements, a dash of admiration for Sarmiento’s diplomacy is tangible. Moreover, one can also appreciate Scott engaging with Spanish culture.
6

Markham, Gervase. "Title page and extracts (sigs. A2–A2v; B-B3; I–-I2; Yv–Z3; Ccv–Dd3) from COVNTRY Contentments, OR The English Husvvife (London: J. Beale for R. Jackson, 1623)." In Making Gardens of Their Own: Advice for Women, 1550-1750, 147–83. Routledge, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315250052-4.

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7

Gilby, Emma. "The Paris Context." In Descartes's Fictions, 47–64. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198831891.003.0002.

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This chapter considers Descartes’s connections with Guez de Balzac and his circle, and looks more closely at the language of contemporary poetic practice and theory. In his 1623 preface to Marino’s Adone, Jean Chapelain develops a critical vocabulary of novelty, generic hybridity, and verisimilitude. Meanwhile, Alexandre Hardy accuses modern dramatists of neglecting dispositio, or the coherent ordering of dramatic subject matter. The state of tragicomedy in France is exemplified in the 1628 tragicomic reworking of Schélandre’s 1608 tragedy Tyr et Sidon, prefaced by Balzac’s apologist François Ogier. At the crux of these debates, we find the question of how to balance the need for variety to dispel boredom with the need for structure to dispel distraction.
8

Abulafia, David. "Akdeniz – the Battle for the White Sea, 1550–1571." In The Great Sea. Oxford University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195323344.003.0036.

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Jean de Valette was a Knight of St John who had led slave raids in the days when the Hospitallers were based on Rhodes. Several years after the evacuation of Rhodes, whose capitulation he had witnessed, he was appointed governor of Tripoli, granted to the Knights along with Malta; then in 1541 his galley, the San Giovanni, had an altercation with Turkish pirates, and he was captured and put to work as a galley slave at the ripe age (for those times) of forty-seven. He survived the humiliation for a year, until the Knights of Malta and the Turks effected a prisoner exchange. Back in Malta he rose up the hierarchy of the Order; he was known for his occasional bursts of temper, but he was also admired as a brave, imposing figure. He was emerging as a potential leader of the Order just as Turkish power edged ever closer to Malta, and indeed Sicily. In 1546, Turgut, or Dragut, one of the most capable naval commanders in Turkish service, captured Mahdia on the Tunisian coast, though the Spaniards recaptured it in 1550. Turgut clashed with Andrea Doria’s fleet off Jerba, but he escaped just when Doria seemed to have trapped him; he sailed to Malta and Gozo, laying waste the home islands of the Knights, before a victorious assault on Tripoli, lost after over forty years of Christian occupation. The Spaniards attempted to swing the balance back in their favour, and in 1560 they despatched a fleet of about 100 ships (half of them galleys) in the hope of finally capturing Jerba. Andrea Doria was now elderly, and command was entrusted nepotistically to his heir and great-nephew, Gian Andrea Doria, who was unable to impose on his captains the strict discipline that was needed to hold the line in the face of the Turkish naval counter-attack led by Piyale, a talented young admiral of Christian ancestry. It has been claimed that Piyale’s order to hoist sail and run down the Spanish fleet ‘ranks among the great snap decisions in naval history’.
9

Bernard, Mathilde. "Scandaleux Potard et scandaleux Léry : d’où naît le scandale dans le récit de cannibalisme de L’Histoire de Sancerre de Jean de Léry ?" In Fabrique du scandale et rivalités mémorielles en France et en Europe (1550-1697), 85–94. Presses universitaires de Bordeaux, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.46608/savoirshumaniste2.9791030008036.8.

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10

"Jean Calvin au miroir de l’Interim d’Augsbourg. Réactions polémiques, discours consolatoire et genèse d’un nouveau projet de réforme (1548–1550)." In Crossing Traditions: Essays on the Reformation and Intellectual History, 47–64. BRILL, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004356795_005.

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