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Готові списки джерел за темами / Peloponnesians

Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Peloponnesians"

Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 23 вересня 2022

Оновлено: 27 січня 2023

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Статті в журналах з теми "Peloponnesians":

1

V.P.Z.S., G. A. Roulenger F. R. S. "3. On the Peloponnesian Lizard (Lacerta peloponnesiaca Bibr.)." Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London 81, no. 1 (August 20, 2009): 37–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1469-7998.1911.tb06989.x.

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2

Douglas Olson, S. "Dicaeopolis' motivations in Aristophanes' Acharnians." Journal of Hellenic Studies 111 (November 1991): 200–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631902.

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Aristophanes' Acharnians, performed at the Lenaea in 425 BC, is the story of Dicaeopolis' unilateral withdrawal from Athens' political system and her seemingly endless war against Sparta. What seems never to have been appreciated is the extent to which the hero's motivations are specifically economic in character. Dicaeopolis resents both his unhappy new status as an urban cash-consumer of staple goods, and the fact that he is excluded from all the pleasures the war-time city still has to offer, while others continue to enjoy themselves. It is a combination of these resentments which drives the hero to break ranks with his fellow citizens and make his separate peace with the Peloponnesians, and both problems are accordingly resolved in the ‘ideal’ new world of the second half of the play.

3

Crane, Gregory. "The Fear and Pursuit of Risk: Corinth on Athens, Sparta and the Peloponnesians (Thucydides 1.68-71, 120-121)." Transactions of the American Philological Association (1974-) 122 (1992): 227. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/284372.

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4

Hassoon, Mohammed Naser. "Epidemic as Metaphor: the Allegorical Significance of Epidemic Accounts in Literature." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Philologia 66, no. 3 (September 20, 2021): 201–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbphilo.2021.3.13.

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"Epidemic as Metaphor: The Allegorical Significance of Epidemic Accounts in Literature. Our paper searches for those common elements in selected literary representations of the plagues that have affected humanity. As a theoretical framework for our research, we have considered the contributions of Peta Michell, who equals pandemic with contagion and sees it as a metaphor; Susan Sontag views illness as a punishment or a sign, the subject of a metaphorization. Christa Jansohn sees the pest as a metaphor for an extreme form of collective calamity. For René Girard, the medical plague is a metaphor for the social plague, and Gilles Deleuze thinks that fabulation is a “health enterprise.” From the vast library of the pandemic, we have selected examples from Antiquity to the 19th century: Thucydides, Lucretius, Boccaccio, Daniel Defoe, Mary Shelley, Edgar Allan Poe, and Jack London. For Camus, the plague is an allegory of evil, oppression and war. Our paper explores the lessons learned from these texts, irrespective of their degree of factuality or fictionality, pointing out how the plague is used metaphorically and allegorically to reveal a more profound truth about different societies and humanity. Keywords: epidemic, plague, The Decameron (Boccaccio), A Journal of the Plague Year (Daniel Defoe), King Pest (Edgar Allan Poe), The Last Man (Mary Shelley), The Nature of Things (Lucretius), The Plague (Albert Camus), The Scarlet Plague (Jack London), The War of the Peloponnesians (Thucydides) "

5

Freedman, Lawrence D., and Donald Kagan. "The Peloponnesian War." Foreign Affairs 82, no. 5 (2003): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033706.

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6

Shipley, Graham. "PELOPONNESIAN PLACE-NAMES." Classical Review 53, no. 1 (April 2003): 136–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/53.1.136.

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7

Papadopoulos, Stelios. "The Peloponnesian War." Nature Biotechnology 6, no. 4 (April 1988): 360. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nbt0488-360.

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8

Fracchia, Helena M. "The Peloponnesian Pyramids Reconsidered." American Journal of Archaeology 89, no. 4 (October 1985): 683. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/504211.

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9

Lavelle, B. M., and Thomas Weidemann. "Thucydides: The Peloponnesian War." Classical World 80, no. 5 (1987): 388. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350077.

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10

Hornblower, Simon. "The Peloponnesian War (review)." American Journal of Philology 121, no. 4 (2000): 646–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.2000.0052.

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Дисертації з теми "Peloponnesians":

1

Gaskell, Edmund James. "Peloponnesian politics : 371-361 B.C." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.250555.

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2

Panagopoulos, Andreas Panagopoulos Andreas. "Captives and hostages in the Peloponnesian War ; [and] Fugitives and refugees in the Peloponnesian War." Amsterdam : A.M. Hakkert, 1989. http://books.google.com/books?id=xjNoAAAAMAAJ.

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Includes Fugitives and refugees in the Peloponnesian War, which is a study based on the third, unpublished part of the author's Thesis (Ph. D.--University of London, 1975).
Summary in Greek. Includes bibliographies and indexes.

3

Panagopoulos, Andreas Ch. "Captives and hostages in the Peloponnesian war /." Amsterdam : A. M. Hakkert, 1989. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37412649q.

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4

Levy, Allison D'Orazio. "The Psychology of Athenian Imperialism in Thucydides' Peloponnesian War." Thesis, Boston College, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:105026.

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Thesis advisor: Robert Bartlett
In his depiction of Athens in his Peloponnesian War, Thucydides shows a city of extraordinary daring, energy, resourcefulness and hope. However, it is difficult adequately to articulate the character of that which is most central to Athens, namely, her imperial ambition. Although Athens is clearly distinguished from the fearful, ever-hesitating Sparta by her apparently boundless activity and hopefulness, it is nonetheless unclear what, precisely, Athens is hoping for. What is the attraction of the ceaseless toil and danger of great empire? In risking what they have because they are “always seeking more,” what exactly do the Athenians think they are getting? My study approaches these questions through a focus on one of the great puzzles of Athenian imperialism, namely, that the Athenians claim both that their empire is pursued under the compulsion of fear, honor, and/or interest, and that it is freely undertaken -- a contradiction that creates a difficulty especially for the Athenians’ repeated suggestion that their empire is a noble, praiseworthy enterprise. Through consideration of the Athenians’ experience of their imperial ambition and the ways in which the contradictory elements of that ambition fit together in their minds, as made clear especially through the rhetoric of their outstanding statesmen, we gain greater clarity about the character of the longings underpinning the extraordinary Athenian energy for empire. We also come better to understand the conditions in which the Athenians’ hopes are made more or less tractable and reasonable, as well as the influence of the rhetoric of leading Athenians on these hopes. This dissertation argues that the Athenians are less attached to one particular object as the deepest root of their imperialism, and more to the notion of a freedom from all limits, which can be both inflamed by, as well as helpfully anchored to, their opinions of their virtue; thus, the study suggests that the desire for empire is deeply rooted in human nature, and that empire will therefore appeal to us for as long as human nature remains unchanged
Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2015
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science

5

Coupar, Sally-Anne. "The chronology and development of the coinage of Corinth to the Peloponnesian War." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2000. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2557/.

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This study's objective is to elucidate the numismatic history of the city of Corinth from the inception of the coinage to the beginning of the Peloponnesian War in 431BC. The method used in pursuit of the objective was to carry out a comprehensive die study which collected and analysed all known Corinthian dies with curved wing Pegasus type. Hoard and overstrike evidence was used to help order the sequence of the dies, as was the stylistic development. The numismatic, historical and archaeological evidence provided key dates which anchored the sequence and allowed the chronology of the coinage of Corinth to be revealed. The results of this study show that Corinth was one of the earliest Greek cities to issue coins. The silver necessary for the coinage was obtained from the coins of other cities and probably also from mines in the Thrace and Macedonian area. The main mint of Corinth was supplemented by an auxiliary mint at times and it also provided either dies or coins for Corinthian colonies. This study's conclusions indicate that the output from the Corinthian mint was sustained and prolific, and participation in the Corinthian economy was rigorously controlled by the city authorities. This study has also shown that the only evidence for a break in activity at the Corinthian mint is in the mid 450's BC, and that the operation of the mint was not affected by the outbreak of the Peloponnesian War.

6

Finné, Martin. "Climate in the eastern Mediterranean during the Holocene and beyond – A Peloponnesian perspective." Doctoral thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för naturgeografi och kvartärgeologi (INK), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-108046.

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This thesis contributes increased knowledge about climate variability during the late Quaternary in the eastern Mediterranean. Results from a paleoclimate review reveal that regional wetter conditions from 6000 to 5400 years BP were replaced by a less wet period from 5400 to 4600 years BP and to fully arid conditions around 4600 years BP. The data available, however, show that there is not enough evidence to support the notion of a widespread climate event with rapidly drying conditions in the region around 4200 years ago. The review further highlights the lack of paleoclimate data from the archaeologically rich Peloponnese Peninsula. This gap is addressed in this thesis by the provision of new paleoclimate records from the Peloponnese. One stalagmite from Kapsia Cave and two stalagmites from Glyfada Cave were dated and analyzed for stable oxygen (δ18O) and carbon (δ13C) isotopes. The Glyfada record covers a period from ~78 ka to ~37 ka and shows that the climate in this region responded rapidly to changes in temperatures over Greenland. During Greenland stadial (interstadial) conditions colder (warmer) and drier (wetter) conditions are reflected by depleted (enriched) δ13C-values in the speleothems. The Kapsia record covers a period from ~2900 to ~1100 years BP. A comparison between the modern stalagmite top isotopes and meteorological data shows that a main control on stalagmite δ18O is wet season precipitation amount. The δ18O record from Kapsia indicates cyclical humidity changes of close to 500 years, with rapid shifts toward wetter conditions followed by slowly developing aridity. Superimposed on this signal is a centennial signal of precipitation variability. A second speleothem from Kapsia with multiple horizons of fine sediments from past flood events intercalated with the calcite is used to develop a new, quick and non-destructive method for tracing flood events in speleothems by analyzing a thick section with an XRF core scanner.

At the time of the doctoral defense, the following papers were unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 3: Submitted. Paper 4: Accepted.

7

Tryon, Suzanne Y. "Sacrilege in the Sanctuary: Thucydidean Perspectives on the Violation of Sacred Space during the Peloponnesian War." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2011. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/rs_theses/36.

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Few have paid attention to the role that pan-Hellenic religious norms play in Thucy-dides‟s The Peloponnesian War. This thesis investigates the trope of religious sacrilege in the form of violated sacred space. By examining how this trope functions within his chosen rhetori-cal presentation, I will argue that a secular interpretation of Thucydides does not accord with what he tries to accomplish within his narrative, and that scenes describing such sacrilege actual-ly function in crucial ways to support a major premise of his work. Two specific instances of sacrilege will be examined: the civil war on Corcyra in 427 BCE; and the Battle of Delion in 424/3 BCE. I will demonstrate that Thucydides incorporates sacrilege to serve as evidence for his readers that the Peloponnesian War was the worst war the Greek-speaking world had everexperienced, and that religio-cultural norms, however unanimously conceived and internally ob-vious, are inherently fragile and unstable.

8

Galatas, Connie. "Allies for all times? : a study on the disintegration of Greek interstate alliances in the classical period." Thesis, McGill University, 2008. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=116054.

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The following offers a new perspective to explain the disintegration of the Peloponnesian League and the Boeotian Federation in the early half of the fourth century B.C. Members of both these alliances had legal and conventional expectations regarding what they had to give and what they could receive from their associations. Tensions and conflicts arose within an alliance once an individual polis did not fulfill its duties and obligations. There were two factors that persuaded a member not to meet their expected responsibilities: one was the role of a polis ' factions and the other was the intervention in the association's affairs by a third party. It was primarily the failure of an alliance's members to meet each others expectations that inevitably led to the dissolution of these interstate organizations.

9

Meyer, Anthony Lee Isaac. "Determining the Significance of Alliance Pathologies in BipolarSystems: A Case of the Peloponnesian War from 431-421 BCE." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1464219367.

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10

Hadley, Travis Stuart. "Thucydides’ Sparta: Law, Piety, and the Regime." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2014. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc699880/.

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My dissertation investigates Thucydides’ presentation of Sparta. By viewing the war through Sparta, one is confronted with debates on the moral dimensions of war. Sparta decries the imperialism of Athens as unjust and while the Athenians imply that such claims are merely Spartan ‘hypocrisy’ and therefore that Sparta does not truly take justice seriously, my study contends that the Spartan concern with justice and piety is genuine. While the Athenians present a sophisticated and enlightened view of what they believe guides all political actions (a view most scholars treat as Thucydides’ own) my study argues that Sparta raises problems for key arguments of the ‘Athenian thesis.’ Through a closer study of Thucydides’ Sparta, including his neglected Book 5, I locate details of both Sparta’s prosecution of the war and their regime that must be considered before agreeing with the apparent sobriety and clear-sightedness of the Athenians, thus leading the reader into the heart of Thucydides’ view of morality in both foreign affairs and domestic politics. A portion of this research is currently being prepared as an article-length study on the broad and important issue of hypocrisy in foreign affairs among states.

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Книги з теми "Peloponnesians":

1

Thucydides. The war of the Peloponnesians and the Athenians. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013.

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2

Harl, Kenneth W. The Peloponnesian War. Chantilly, Va: The Teaching Co., 2007.

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3

Thucydides. The Peloponnesian War. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989.

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4

Thucydides. The Peloponnesian War. New York: Oxford University Press, 2009.

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5

Rusten, Jeffrey S. The Peloponnesian War. Cambridge [England]: Cambridge University Press, 1989.

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6

Kagan, Donald. The Peloponnesian War. New York: Penguin Books, 2004.

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7

Thucydides. The Peloponnesian War. Indianapolis: Hackett Pub. Co., 1998.

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8

McNeal, Richard A. The first Peloponnesian War. Ann Arbor: UMI, 1986.

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9

Benedek, Tom. Peloponnesia: A novel. Los Angeles: Trithemius Press, 2012.

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10

Thucydides. History of the Peloponnesian War. New York: Penguin Books, 1986.

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Частини книг з теми "Peloponnesians":

1

Borgo, Manu Dal. "Inequality in the Peloponnesian War." In Palgrave Studies in Ancient Economies, 47–102. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-93834-5_3.

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2

Powell, Anton. "The Peloponnesian War, 431-404." In ATHENS and SPARTA, 136–213. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003209102-5.

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3

Schirmbeck, Peter. "Peloponnesian Folklore Foundation ‘V. Papandoniou’." In Revisiting Museums of Influence, 41–44. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York : Routledge, [2021]: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003003977-6.

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4

Welwei, Karl-Wilhelm. "The Peloponnesian War and Its Aftermath." In A Companion to the Classical Greek World, 526–43. Malden, MA, USA: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9780470996799.ch25.

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5

Luginbill, Robert D. "Thucydides on Peloponnesian Strategy at Pylos." In American Journal of Ancient History (New Series 3-4, 2004-2005 [2007]), edited by T. Corey Brennan, 39–57. Piscataway, NJ, USA: Gorgias Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.31826/9781463213930-003.

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6

Worley, Leslie J. "Greek Cavalry in the Peloponnesian War." In Hippeis, 83–122. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429032721-5.

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7

Habib, Khalil M. "Plague and Empire in Thucydides's The Peloponnesian War." In Making Sense of Diseases and Disasters, 156–63. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003197379-15.

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8

Rahe, Paul A. "War in Two Theaters." In Sparta's First Attic War, 152–86. Yale University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300242614.003.0006.

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This chapter discusses the outbreak of hostilities between Athens and Sparta. By this time, the Athenians knew that the helot rebellion would someday come to an end, that the Spartans would then find an occasion in which to march into Attica with their allies, and that they could neither defeat the Peloponnesians in the field nor withstand a lengthy siege. With this prospect in mind, they garrisoned Megara and Pegae and set about building walls on either side of a corridor designed to serve as an umbilical cord, linking the town of Megara, which was just under a mile inland from the Saronic Gulf, with Nisaea, its port on that body of water. In this fashion, by making it easy to resupply the Megarians from the sea, they rendered it impossible for Lacedaemon and her Peloponnesian allies to mount a successful siege of their town. In this fashion, they also arranged that, if the Peloponnesians managed to force their way through Geraneia and the Megarid and enter Attica, they would have a sizable Athenian garrison in their rear.

9

Rahe, Paul A. "Lacedaemon at Bay." In Sparta's Second Attic War, 163–88. Yale University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300242621.003.0006.

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This chapter talks about the Lacedaemonian and allied Peloponnesian's defeat in Navarino Bay. It investigates the Spartans' local truce with the Athenian generals and negotiations for a peace agreement in order to recover their infantry men and safeguard the men trapped on Sphacteria. The chapter also mentions how Spartans suffered additional and catastrophic losses at the time of the plague. It points out how the Spartans negotiated a peace agreement with Argos in 420 that included an unprecedented clause contemplating the possibility that one or the other community might succumb to an epidemic. It also highlights the Peloponnesians' repeated attempts to assert their preeminence at sea in the Corinthian Gulf, the Ionian Sea, and the Adriatic, which had failed ignominiously.

10

"Thucydides History III." In Thucydides: History Book III, edited by P. J. Rhodes, 39–174. Liverpool University Press, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9780856685392.003.1006.

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In the following summer the Peloponnesians and their allies invaded Attica just as the corn was growing ripe; their commander was Archidamus son of Zeuxidamus, king of Sparta. They established themselves and proceeded to ravage the land. The Athenians followed their custom of attacking with cavalry where possible, and they prevented the main body of light-armed troops from going forward beyond the hoplites and damaging the areas near the city. After staying for the period ...

Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Peloponnesians":

1

A. McBrayer, G. "The End of a Civilization: What Moderns Might Learn from Thucydides’ Peloponnesian War." In Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics Conference. AHFE International, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe100192.

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Thucydides self-consciously presents the Peloponnesian War as the greatest war the world had ever seen to that point in history, insofar as it was a contest between the two greatest Greek powers—Athens and Sparta—at the peak of Greek Civilization. The war, however, would mark the beginning of the end of this great civilization. Although Thucydides does not unequivocally blame Athens for the war that ultimately leads to the destruction of Greece, it is clear that he thinks Athenian devotion to motion, or to the perpetual pursuit of progress, spurred it on. Thucydides appears to lament the great expansion of education, in particular the sophistic education that became prevalent in Greece and contributed heavily to the theoretical justification behind the Athenian Empire. Even or especially education at its highest—Socratic philosophy—seems to bear some culpability for, or is at least symptomatic of, Athens’ decline, and ultimately Greece’s decline as well, in Thucydides’ view. This paper will examine Thucydides' teaching regarding the decline of civilization to see if it can offer any guidance to the current crisis of civilization in the West.

2

Макарова, О. М. "HISTORY OF THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE IN THE WORKS OF V. M. STROGETSKY." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/mcu.2021.60.19.001.

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Анотація:

В статье подвергается анализу концепция становления афинской империи в V в. до н. э. в работах известного российского специалиста по истории Древней Греции В. М. Строгецкого. В 1980–1990-е гг. обратившись к изучению данных сюжетов в рамках исследования обстоятельств противостояния в V в. до н. э. Пелопоннесского и Первого афинского морских союзов за гегемонию в Греции, В. М. Строгецкий считал, что активная фаза формирования основ афинского империализма должна быть отнесена к периоду 460–440 гг. до н. э. и связана с внешнеполитической деятельностью Перикла. Не принимая предложенного Г. Мэттингли понижения датировки основных эпиграфических свидетельств подчинения союзников Афинами, В. М. Строгецкий считает их не вызванными обстоятельствами тяжелой Пелопоннесской войны, а свидетельством планомерного и постепенного усиления гнета афинян в рамках союзного объединения, получившего в историографии традиционное наименование афинской империи. The article dwells upon the concept of the formation of the Athenian empire in the 5th century BC in the works of the Russian historian of Ancient Greece V.M. Strogetsky. Initially this problem gained his interest as а part of the study of confrontation between the Peloponnesian League and the Delian League for hegemony in Greece in the 5th century BC. During the 1980–1990s. V. M. Strogetsky believed that the active phase of the formation of the foundations of Athenian imperialism should be attributed to the period 460–440 BC and must be considered as the political program of Pericles. V. M. Strogetsky has not accepted the lowering of the dates of the main epigraphic evidence of Athenian imperialism, proposed by H. Mattingly. He considers it not to be caused by the difficulties of the Peloponnesian war, but sees it as an evidence of the planned and gradual increase in the oppression of the allies by the Athenians within the naval union, which in historiography received the traditional name of the Athenian empire.

Звіти організацій з теми "Peloponnesians":

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McGowan, Kevin M. A Great War More Worthy Of Relation Than Any That Had Preceded It: Thucycides History of the Peloponnesian War as a Rosetta Stone for Joint Warfare and Operational Art. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, June 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada463540.

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