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1
Wells, Jaclyn M. "Invisible conflict : working-class students in first-year composition /." Available to subscribers only, 2005. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1079657851&sid=26&Fmt=2&clientId=1509&RQT=309&VName=PQD.
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Bell, David. "Ardent propaganda : miner's novels and class conflict, 1929-1939." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Humanistiska fakulteten, 1995. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-66446.
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This study of the contribution of working-class fiction to the debate on class conflict in Britain is based on four novels written by two ex-miners between 1929 and 1939: The Gate of a Strange Field (1929) and Last Cage Down (1935), by Harold Heslop, and Cwmardy (1937) and We Live (1939), by Lewis Jones. These novels represent, in working-class fiction, a unique combination of an archetypal working-class occupation, mining, with central features of the 1930s cultural discourse, the role of political ideology in literature. This study takes as its starting point the perception of these novels as having a specifically communicative function in the social and cultural context of the 1930s. It recognises their role in articulating the radical voice of the miner in the conflict of interests between capital and labour as exemplified by the coal industry. I also argue that the novels are influenced by the polarised discourse of British social and cultural life in this period. Cultural context is not seen simply as a reflection of 1930s attitudes and ideas, but also in relation to a tradition of working-class and miners' fiction that appropriates accepted literary forms for specific needs, in this case, the articulation of miners' grievances in the 1930s, seen in terms of class conflict. This conjuncture of historical and contemporary cultural discourses acts as the organising principle of the first part of this study. The four novels are analysed in terms of a sub-genre classification of the realist novel: the roman à thèse. This approach facilitates an analysis focusing on the determining influence of ideology as a totalising concept affecting the structure, content and message of these novels. I argue that the prime purpose of these novels is to constrain interpretation to a desired outcome, as represented by the doctrine inherent in the text. Two types of roman à thèse are distinguished: the apprenticeship, which builds on the precepts of the Bildungsroman, and the confrontational, which is non-transformational, depicting scenes of class conflict. The apprenticeship model consists of two types of exemplary narrative: positive and negative. This study demonstrates that, by applying the analytical model of a positive apprenticeship to Cwmardy, the narrative structures of the novel limit the potential for interpretation to the doctrinal assumptions underlying the text. The reader is expected to identify with the class-conscious insights gained by the hero. The Gate of a Strange Field, in contrast, acts as a cautionary tale, illustrating the consequences of embracing a false doctrine. Both We Live and Last Cage Down are considered as novels of confrontation in which the primary conflict between capital and labour is modified by a secondary conflict within labour on the question of ways and means of achieving a socialist society. The conclusion reached is that these novels can only be understood in relation to the polarised social and cultural attitudes of the 1930s, and in relation to their place in a history of miners' literature that appropriates literary forms to engage in a debate on the class nature of British society.digitalisering@umu
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Bell, David. "Ardent propaganda : miners' novels and class conflict 1929-1939 /." Umeå (Sweden) : Umeå university, 1995. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37042088w.
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Conley, James Robert Carleton University Dissertation Sociology. "Class conflict and collective action in the working class of Vancouver, British Columbia, 1900-1919." Ottawa, 1986.
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Huggins, Michael James. "Agrarian conflict in pre-famine County Roscommon." Thesis, University of Liverpool, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367632.
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Barrett, Elizabeth. "Group struggle or class conflict? : the application of pluralist theory and class theory to English politics." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1988. http://repository.royalholloway.ac.uk/items/1ae2a6b9-35e7-4c08-9cc1-1f2c5dccd5b9/1/.
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The growth of single-issue politics, and of the articulation and resolution of political demands through pressure group structures is linked, by group theorists, to the development of the corporate economic State. In an increasingly complex political order, it is argued, the individual must orient herself to political structures through multiple group memberships which cut across traditional socio-economic categories, and which reduce the impact of class identification and political behaviour. Thus the pluralists suggest that group membership is replacing class location as a focus for political identity and a motor of political behaviour. This argument is investigated with reference to the sociopolitical attitudes and behaviours of electors drawn from three English Parliamentary constituencies. The constituencies - Guildford, Richmond and Barnes and Sheffield Attercliffe - exhibit distinctive socio-economic characteristics and electoral trends. The constituency sample units are stratified by group, and electors are drawn from those groups typically organised within the community. Participants are examined by survey questionnaire. In examining the class and group bases of British politics, considerable attention is paid to concept-formulation. 'The group' is operationalised according to dimensions of interest and power, and the nature and role of interest group activity within the three constituencies are investigated. The concept of class is operationalised according to Marxian theory, and is critically examined with reference to stratification theory. Indicators of socio-economic and political variables are investigated during data analysis, and class and group-structured political identifications and behaviours are examined. Although participation in both group and class structures is found to be politically significant among survey-respondents, group-structured political behaviour is found to be strongly related to class location. It is therefore argued that the concept of class possesses explanatory value in political analysis. A class theory of group politics is thus proposed.
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Cownie, Erik. "Envisioning a post-conflict society : perspectives from a peripheral loyalist working-class." Thesis, Ulster University, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.591071.
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This study sought to examine a peripheral loyalist working-class community's complex transition from conflict and paramilitarism. To date, academic literature on loyalist communities has, in general, focussed on conflict-era loyalism or the experience of interface existence, particularly, in inner-city Belfast. This study added another dimension to this canon of work by, instead, focussing on a homogenous and spatially detached community where the primary foci are class disadvantage and the consequences of negative social capital. The academic neglect of these hinterland estates is, often, mirrored by statutory abandonment in a policy environment where the over- riding aim remains to ameliorate the worst effects of internecine violence in the communities which straddle the city's many peace-lines. Grounded on the principles of interpretivist research, this project comprised a case study examination of a peripheral loyalist housing estate and enta iled semi-structured interviews with residents, para militaries, politicians, and statutory agencies. Social capital was adopted as the theoretical framework and a context-s pecific social capital framework model was developed to capture the unique experiences and perceptions of a community still struggling to address the legacies of conflict, in particular, paramilitarism. In broad terms, the data from these interviews demonstrate the following key points: firstly, that two important contexts needed to be co nsidered - specifically, loyalist para militarism and urban transformations in Belfast; secondly, that there is a definite class dimension to social capital which, invariably, leads to less desirable outcomes in poorer communities than are, commonly, expected in more affluent areas; and, finally, that social capital is as likely to produce as many negative outcomes as positive ones. More specifically, this study explored and expla ined the historical narrative of Ballybeen in terms of a microcosm of the wider loyalist community, in particular, their attempts to address the highly complex issues of both historical and extant paramilitary influence. This enabled an evaluation of the roles played by the various actors in Ballybeen's social and economic regeneration, its post-conflict t ransitions and social capital formations. This appraisal (redirects academic / statutory attention towards such communities and suggests that 40 years of paramilitarism has bestowed on the estate a legacy of stigma and oppression.
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James, Timothy John. "Articulating class : language and conflict in English literature from Gaskell to Tressell." Doctoral thesis, University of Cape Town, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/22494.
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Bibliography: pages 304-318.Concentrating on English literary texts written between the 1830s and 1914 and which have the working class as their central focus, the thesis examines various ways in which class conflict inheres within the textual language, particularly as far as the representation of working-class speech is concerned. The study is made largely within V. N. Voloshinov's understanding of language.
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Porat, Anat. "Conflict resolution among children in a kindergarten class inspired by the Reggio Emilia approach." Thesis, Anglia Ruskin University, 2011. https://arro.anglia.ac.uk/id/eprint/276333/1/Conflict%20resolution%20Anat%20Porat%20Doctoral%20Thesis.pdf.
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This study investigated the conflict resolution abilities employed by 3-4 year old children within an Israeli kindergarten that was inspired by the Reggio Emilia approach in Italy. Conflict resolution is a significant phenomenon worldwide and the subject of considerable research, due to potential negative outcomes from involvement in conflict, and escalation of the conflict to a stage of violence. Nevertheless, a gap in knowledge was identified, regarding the Reggio Emilia educational approach, as an intervention to support the development of children‘s social-emotional competence to enable them to resolve interpersonal conflicts using pro-social strategies. An in-depth case study was conducted using grounded theory principles to develop a model to answer the question: To what extent might a Reggio Emilia inspired approach support resolution of interpersonal conflicts between 3-4 year old children in an Israeli kindergarten class? The rich qualitative data were gathered through video filmed observations, teacher's semi-structured interviews, children's interviews, documents, and field notes. A four-phase content analysis of the data enabled conceptualisation of the characteristics of the educational setting and the children's conflict resolution strategies. The findings allowed the emergence of a model evidencing that both direct and indirect intervention strategies were used to support the conflict resolution among the children. Teachers responded in a range of ways to children's request for direct intervention, and most especially used a clarification-mediation conversation. Indirectly, they promoted democratic pedagogy with children through participation, listening and dialogue. The findings reveal the children's development in their conflict resolution, which indicate a significant advancement in their pro-social negotiation abilities. Additionally, the findings show a significant increase in the children's spontaneous intervention as peer observers of the conflict and a decrease in their request of teacher intervention. The research suggests that over time, no extra-curricular intervention is needed within a supportive and democratic educational approach, such as the Reggio Emilia inspired approach provides. It illuminates strategies to support teachers, teacher trainers and policy makers for enabling children resolving conflicts independently using pro-social strategies. The research contributes to knowledge regarding selecting an intervention for improving kindergarten children's conflict resolution strategies.
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O'Hagan, Lauren. "Class, culture and conflict in the Edwardian book inscription : a multimodal ethnohistorical approach." Thesis, Cardiff University, 2018. http://orca.cf.ac.uk/115806/.
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This study draws on theories and methodologies from the fields of multimodality, ethnography and book history studies to explore class conflict and social mobility in Edwardian Britain (1901-1914). Using a dataset of 2,998 book inscriptions, this work investigates the types of inscriptions present in books bought and exchanged in Edwardian Britain; the ways in which inscriptive practices varied according to location, gender, age, social class and occupation; the material and semiotic features of inscriptions; and their communicative and performative purposes. The findings reveal that inscriptive choices were primarily influenced by ‘class-based affordances’ that centred on the social status and wealth of book owners, as well as Edwardian social conventions and the specific, well-established norms of each inscription genre or sub-genre. For the working classes, inscriptions represented pride at owning a book for the first time, while the lower-middle classes primarily used inscriptions as symbolic gestures of social mobility to gain social capital and respect from peers. In contrast, the upper classes, who feared the collapse of hierarchical society, saw inscriptions as a way of advertising their wealth and high social status. However, there is some indication that the upper-middle classes were slightly more willing to embrace lower-class inscriptive practices. These findings suggest that we must reframe current conceptions of hegemony as the transmission of values from a dominant social group to a subordinate one, and view it, instead, as a continuous two-way process between different groups. Overall, the study demonstrates how blending multimodal analysis with ethnohistorical methodologies can uncover the important role of the inscription as a material microcosm of the social tensions that existed between class groups in early twentieth-century Britain.
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Hope, Elizabeth Shaye. "These People are Not Your People: Class Conflict and Ideology in Faulkner's Sanctuary." ScholarWorks@UNO, 2006. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/315.
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According to William Faulkner's assessment, the mixing of the classes fails because very different ideologies have emerged and are in competition and conflict with one another. The discourses and therefore the ideologies of the characters in Sanctuary are seen to be in conflict with one another, with persons on opposing sides occupying positions that seem to be growing further and further apart, making communication more and more difficult. In examining the speech and interactions of these characters, the codes and knowledge of the different value systems may be analyzed. Sanctuary, then, is not a novel merely about good and evil; it is a novel about the breakdown of southern antebellum ideology and the new set of relations that began to emerge in the early twentieth century. Social class and ideology are central issues in Sanctuary, and Faulkner's novel demonstrates the ways in which class transgressions result in violence.
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Fleet, Alex. "Peace Through Growth: Political Response to Class Conflict in Interwar America, 1919-1923." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1532984996551894.
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Bunce, Steven Bradley. "Life After Wartime: Post-Conflict Governance in the Bogota Metropolitan Area." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/20194.
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In recent years there has been an extensive output on challenges to democratization, peace building and the strengthening of the rule of law in Colombia. These have tended to focus on their more violent or overt impediments, particularly in rural areas of the country where the monopoly on force and interventionist capacity of the state has never been established, and how this will impact the implementation of the Peace Accords. The overarching objective of this research is to mine the contradictions, occlusions and erasures in these macro-narratives of Colombia’s current post-conflict period. I provide a detailed account of quotidian life of two neighborhoods of the greater Bogotá area based on sixteen months of fieldwork with informants from a cross-section of Colombian society. The first site, located in a municipality conjoined to the capital but disavowed as part of its metropolitan area, is home to the largest informal urban settlement of internally displaced persons in the country. Here, control of community life by illegal armed groups is tacitly accepted by local government officials and powerbrokers, while a sprawling universe of church, non-government and international organizations have assumed dimensions of state protection and welfare. The second is an affluent enclave of Bogotá with all the hallmarks of an exemplar, securitized global city, its families of old and new money far more aligned with deterritorialized networks of transnational capital and the Ivy League colleges of the Global North than with their own state institutions. Bridging political geography, Goffman’s social-psychological focus on dramaturgic action and a materialist approach to the country's severe social and political dislocations, this research navigates the extra-legal networks, buried structures and prismatic forces through which social relations are organized in urban Colombia. It conceives of these as operating across three principal layers with varying degrees of acknowledgement and acceptance by those in positions of power and privilege - public, private and covert. This person-centered and micro sociological approach to Colombian society brings into clearer view the factors that inhibit the attainment of a more redistributive democracy, the forging of an open and transparent public sphere, and the honoring of its historical debt to victims of its long-running armed conflict.
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Chaves, Patricia Rocha. "Rebeldia e barbárie: conflitos socioterritoriais na região do Bico do Papagaio." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8136/tde-19012017-121543/.
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Escrever sobre esta região, chamada Bico do Papagaio é escrever sobre conflitos e sobre os mais variados sujeitos que a luta pela terra configurou. Nesta tese parte-se da premissa que o conflito social nesta região é resultado das políticas de ocupação capitalista, e da concentração dos recursos nas mãos de determinadas classes sociais. A região é dessa forma, fundamento histórico da luta de classes antagônicas pelo território ou pela terra. Classes sociais que possuem lógicas de apropriação do território opostas. Esta luta de classes em maioria das vezes é travada entre as várias frações do campesinato e o grandes proprietários de terra, que podem ser fazendeiros e latifundiários ou empresas de várias modalidades. Dentro do contexto da luta pelo território estão os povos indígenas e quilombolas. Cada um desses sujeitos constroem suas estratégias de permanência ou de conquista da terra e/ou território. Os camponeses e indígenas por serem as principais vítimas da expropriação e do desempossamento na região, no momento da resistência entram em confronto com a classe dos grandes proprietários sofrendo as mais variadas violências. A Comissão Pastoral da Terra há mais de trinta anos acompanha o campesinato e os povos indígenas nesses processos. Há trinta anos começou a publicar os registros de conflitos no campo. Esses registros mostram até certo ponto o avanço e o retrocesso da luta pela terra entre as classes e sociedades antagônicas. Nosso objetivo foi compreender como se deu esses processos durante esses trinta anos nesta região através dos registros de conflitos no campo Os quais, dentro da perspectiva geográfica denominamos conflitos sociespaciais e conflitos socioterritoriais, afim de contribui na construção de uma geografia das lutas camponesas.Write about this region, called Parrot\'s Beak is writing about conflict and about the most varied subjects that the struggle for land set. In this thesis, it starts from the premise that the social conflict in this region is the result of capitalist occupation policies, and the concentration of resources in the hands of certain social classes. The region is thus historical foundation of the struggle of antagonistic classes by territory or by land. Social classes that have logics of appropriation of the opposing territory. This class struggle in most cases is fought between the various fractions of the peasantry and the property owners, who may be farmers and landowners or companies of various forms. Within the context of the struggle for territory is indigenous and maroon peoples. Each of these individuals build their permanence strategies or conquest of the land and / or territory. Peasants and indigenous people because they are the main victims of expropriation and take ownership in the region at the time of resistance clash with the class of large landowners suffering the most varied violence. The Pastoral Land Commission for over thirty years came with the peasantry and indigenous peoples in these processes. Thirty years ago, he began publishing the records of conflicts in the field. These records show to some extent the advance and retreat of the struggle for land between classes and antagonistic societies. Our goal was to understand how these processes occurred during those thirty years in this region through the conflicts of records in the field, which, within the geographical perspective call social space conflicts and socio-territorial conflicts in order to contribute in building a geography of peasant struggles.
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Porat, Anat. "Conflict resolution among children in a kindergarten class inspired by the Reggio Emilia approach." Thesis, Anglia Ruskin University, 2011. http://arro.anglia.ac.uk/276333/.
Full textAbstract:
This study investigated the conflict resolution abilities employed by 3-4 year old children within an Israeli kindergarten that was inspired by the Reggio Emilia approach in Italy. Conflict resolution is a significant phenomenon worldwide and the subject of considerable research, due to potential negative outcomes from involvement in conflict, and escalation of the conflict to a stage of violence. Nevertheless, a gap in knowledge was identified, regarding the Reggio Emilia educational approach, as an intervention to support the development of children‘s social-emotional competence to enable them to resolve interpersonal conflicts using pro-social strategies. An in-depth case study was conducted using grounded theory principles to develop a model to answer the question: To what extent might a Reggio Emilia inspired approach support resolution of interpersonal conflicts between 3-4 year old children in an Israeli kindergarten class? The rich qualitative data were gathered through video filmed observations, teacher's semi-structured interviews, children's interviews, documents, and field notes. A four-phase content analysis of the data enabled conceptualisation of the characteristics of the educational setting and the children's conflict resolution strategies. The findings allowed the emergence of a model evidencing that both direct and indirect intervention strategies were used to support the conflict resolution among the children. Teachers responded in a range of ways to children's request for direct intervention, and most especially used a clarification-mediation conversation. Indirectly, they promoted democratic pedagogy with children through participation, listening and dialogue. The findings reveal the children's development in their conflict resolution, which indicate a significant advancement in their pro-social negotiation abilities. Additionally, the findings show a significant increase in the children's spontaneous intervention as peer observers of the conflict and a decrease in their request of teacher intervention. The research suggests that over time, no extra-curricular intervention is needed within a supportive and democratic educational approach, such as the Reggio Emilia inspired approach provides. It illuminates strategies to support teachers, teacher trainers and policy makers for enabling children resolving conflicts independently using pro-social strategies. The research contributes to knowledge regarding selecting an intervention for improving kindergarten children's conflict resolution strategies.
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Hosgor, A. Evren. "A Class-Theoretical Re-Interpretation of the Conflict Between the 'Centre' and 'Periphery' in Turkey." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.531698.
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Hiraldo, Rocio. "Green capitalist economies through a focus on labour : enclosures, exploitation and class conflict in Senegal." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2017. https://ueaeprints.uea.ac.uk/64075/.
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The recent promotion of monetary incentives for preserving the environment is being interpreted as a means of advancing capitalist interests. Until present most research on this topic has concentrated on the strategies used by conservation organisations, private companies and development institutions, while little is known about how people working to make a living (hereafter “workers”) are experiencing the development of green economies. This thesis seeks to fill this gap. It studies how the conditions of workers’ labour are being shaped by the social relations of production enabling the development of nature-based tourism and forestry-related payment for ecosystem service (PES) projects in a group of villages in the Sine-Saloum delta, Senegal. Based on a six-month period of primarily qualitative fieldwork research and drawing conceptually on Marx’s critique of political economy, it explores three ways in which the social relations of capitalist production in this green economy have shaped labour conditions: a) the privatisation of 1800 hectares of mangrove forest through the creation of a tourism-oriented protected area; b) the activity of work in nature-based tourism and forestry-related PES projects; and c) workers’ mobilisations against exploitation and expropriation. The thesis shows how, through expropriation, exploitation and class conflict, the green economy benefits capitalist owners while separating workers from the ownership of their labour. Forest privatisation belongs to a broader process of primitive accumulation where workers enable capital accumulation through their adaptations to capital. Production in the green economy is based on social relations that perpetuate poverty, inequality and neo-colonial relations in neoliberal Senegal. The different contribution of nature-based tourism and PES projects to capital accumulation and the importance of class conflict, workers’ disagreement and hope in this case study emphasise the heterogeneity and unpredictability of green economies. Socially-committed researchers will benefit from integrating labour and the relations of production in their analyses.
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Gardner, Peter Robert. "Ethnicising Ulster's Protestants : tolerance, peoplehood, and class in Ulster-Scots ethnopedagogy." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2017. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/269845.
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Toward the end of the Troubles, the notion of an Ulster-Scots ethnicity, culture, and language began to be pursued by certain unionists and loyalists more desirous of ‘something more racy of the soil’ (Dowling 2007:54). Peace-building in Northern Ireland had undergone something of a cultural turn: the armed struggle over constitutional and civil rights questions began in the eighties to be ‘ethnically framed’ (Brubaker 2004:166). With cultural identity politically potent, the conception of an Ulster-Scots ethnic group began to gain traction with a tiny but influential subsection of unionists and loyalists. Since the nineties, this movement has gained considerable ground. This thesis represents an intersectional investigation of the inclusion of Ulster-Scots education into schools in Northern Ireland. I contend that Ulster-Scots studies represents an ethnicisation of the conception of a discrete Protestant politico-religious “community” within Northern Ireland, holding considerable potential for the deepening of senses of intercommunal differentiation. Rather than presenting the potential for the deconstruction of ideas of difference, such a pedagogy of reifies, perpetuates, (re)constructs and even deepens such ideas of difference by grounding notions of difference in ethno-cultural and genealogical bases. Ulster-Scots is often described as a means of waging cultural war in post-conflict Northern Ireland (Mac Póilin 1999). Contrariwise, I contend that it represents neither the uncritical, sectarian, loyalist pedagogy of its critics nor the pragmatic and innocuous solution to a problem of durable collective identities of its protagonists. Rather, Ulster-Scots education is embedded in the politics of consociational peace. The logic of consociationalism explicitly entails the maintenance of stark boundaries of ethnic difference. This research does not merely critique of Ulster-Scots pedagogy, but calls into question the whole consociational logic in which it, and the Northern Irish peace process in general, has been embedded.
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Silveira, Eujacio Roberto. "São Paulo 1917-1921, aprendendo a ser patrão: \'o fazer-se\' da fração industrial da burguesia paulista." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8137/tde-14022017-094227/.
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Este estudo contribui para a compreensão da formação da fração industrial da burguesia de São Paulo. Procuramos examinar a atuação da patronal da indústria a partir dos conflitos e negociações ocorridos desde este acontecimento, buscando apreender a experiência de coesão e organização do empresariado industrial de São Paulo. Nossa hipótese principal é de que, tal como o operariado, a patronal industrial também passou a se organizar e se mobilizar de forma mais consciente e programática. O que se pode inferir na análise de sua atuação nas greves gerais de 1919 e 1920. Em ambas as greves, posteriores a 1917, notamos uma atuação coesa no processo de negociação, com destaque para a forma organizacional das entidades patronais, tais como o Centro Industrial de Fiação e Tecelagem de São Paulo e a Associação Paulista das Indústrias Mecânicas e Metalúrgicas.This study contributes to the compreehension of the establishing of the industrial fraction of the bourgeosie of Sao Paulo. We seek to examine the Sao Paulo industry employers actions from conflicts and negotiations that have occured since this event, trying to understand their experience of organization and cohesiveness. Our main hypothesis is that, as well as the working class, the industrial employers also began to organize and mobilize themselves in a more consciously and programmatically way. What can be inferred from the analysis of their action in the general strikes of 1919 and 1920. In both strikes, subsequent to 1917, we observed a cohesive representation in the negotiation process, highlighting the organizational form of the employers, such as the Spinning and Weaving Industrial Center of Sao Paulo and the Metallurgical and Mechanical Industry Association of Sao Paulo.
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Majumder, Debolina. "Footnotes to a conflict? Rethinking questions of class and the state in post-accession Jammu and Kashmir." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/62683.
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Various conceptual framings have been used to approach the Kashmir conflict over the years. These accounts have portrayed Kashmir as a pawn of nation-building exercises and an existential bone of contention between nuclear-armed water-scarce India and Pakistan; as the contemporary locus of ancient ethno-religious hatreds let loose by the partition of the subcontinent; and increasingly in the broadly ‘Leftist’ circles of contemporary South Asia, as the centre-point of a confrontation between an imperial State and a dissenting indigenous populace demanding the right to freedom. This thesis offers several critiques of these approaches and suggests the employment of class- and State-theoretical paradigms to understanding the conflict. I argue that attention to the processes of capitalist transformation in Kashmir and to the changing role of securitisation in India alongside the different politico-economic projects that have captured State power and control over the process of State-building, can add complexity and dynamism to analyses of a conflict that is regularly conceived in ahistorical and politically autonomous terms. By studying class-relations in Jammu and Kashmir since the state’s controversial accession and divergent Indian State-projects since independence I advance two claims. First, “new” Kashmiri nationalist movement(s) which aspired to hegemony after accession, arose neither as an inherent tendency nursed by an incompatibility with modern Statehood or ethno-religious diversity, nor as a unique consequence of heavy-handed governance or foreign interference, but instead, as products of a particular set of socio-economic circumstances whereby cross-national and sub-national inter-class and intra-class struggles of the emerging Kashmiri bourgeoisie were deployed along “nationally relevant” parameters in order to seize State power. Second, the protraction of the insurgency in Kashmir can be understood by tracing the histories of State-sponsored securitisation as a process which initially worked to consolidate the borders of a national economy and engender national integration in pursuit of State-led development with variable social impacts, but increasingly began to be deployed to induce the militarisation of internal politics, the creation of security ‘spectacles’, and the militarisation of civil society along existing societal fault-lines, in response to the liberalisation of the Indian economy.Arts, Faculty of
Geography, Department of
Graduate
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Gundogan, Ercan. "A Critical Evaluation Of The Socialist Journal "." Phd thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606311/index.pdf.
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ABSTRACT
A CRITICAL EVALUATION OF THE SOCIALIST JOURNAL AYDINLIK WITHIN A MARXIAN THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
Gündogan, Ercan Ph.D., Department of Political Science and Public Administration Supervisor: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Mehmet Okyayuz July 2005, 855 pages The thesis concerns with the conception of class and revolution in Marxian meta-theory and examines its reception by the Turkish Marxist left through an analysis of the Socialist Journal Aydinlik (1968-1971). Survey demonstrates that the reception is obscured by strategic debates, and is also not perfectly realized due to the needs of the rapid development of the Turkish socialist left after 1960s. Marxian theory is used mainly to justify the national democratic revolutionary strategy which is presented as only valid strategy, against socialist revolutionary strategy. National Democratic Revolutionary strategy is suggested to close the gap between Marxian framework which exclusively focuses on the proletarian socialist politics and the undeveloped revolutionary conditions of the underdeveloped societies. However, this gap is closed only at the expense of creating new gaps between Marx and the country. Class phenomena are analyzed in the framework of the imperialism-feudalism-comprador bourgeoisie alliance and popular or national classes. This strategy suggests that only after national democratic revolution is perfectly completed, socialist revolutionary struggle can be valid. It thereby postpones the possibility of socialist struggle and hence Marx to an undetermined future.
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Lang, Vanessa Wanner. "Coresidence and Parent-Adult Child Closeness and Conflict: The Influence of Social Class, Parenting Strategies and Economic Efficacy." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1447965764.
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Öun, Ida. "Conflict and concord in work and family : Family policies and individuals' subjective experiences." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Sociologiska institutionen, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-61668.
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Background This thesis explores the relationship between individuals’ subjective experiences and the welfare state setting. The research questions in focus deal with the outcomes of women’s and men’s increasing dual roles in work and family in contemporary welfare states. The studies analyse women’s and men’s subjective experiences of combining work and family, and their perceptions of fairness in the division of household work. Methods The thesis applies a comparative perspective where the unit of analysis is country and/or family policy model. A broad perspective with the aim to capture general patterns across a broad range of welfare states is combined with a narrower case-oriented approach. Multilevel analysis is used to analyse patterns at national as well as individual levels in the same model. Latent Class Analysis is used to capture patterns of latent dimensions with regard to the central concept of subject experiences. Results The results indicate that the introduction of policies aiming to promote dual roles among women and men and the articulation of gender equality can matter for individuals’ subjective experiences of work-family conflict. In dual-earner countries, the probability that a high level of conflict is counterbalanced by feelings of life satisfaction is higher than in other policy models. A class asymmetry is found when it comes to effects of policy on men’s and women’s levels of work-family conflict and work-family satisfaction; women in the working class and the salaried class are more similar when it comes to experiences of work-family conflict and satisfaction in Sweden than in Germany and the UK. The analysis also shows that perceptions of fairness in the division of housework are moderated by the institutional and normative context. The politicisation of gender equality increases the correspondence between actual share of housework performed and the perceptions of fairness in the division of housework. The effect of politicisation is more important for men’s perceptions than for women’s. Conclusion The thesis contributes to a deepened understanding of the relationship between policy and work-family conflict and the integration of the perspectives of role conflict and role expansion; knowledge about the ways in which both class and gender relations are structured concerning the patterns of work-family conflict and satisfaction in different policy contexts; and new knowledge about the relationship between policy and men’s – and not only women’s – perceptions of fairness in the division of household work.
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Sjövall, Johanna. "Dance to Buss : An Ethnographic Study of Dancehall Dancing in Jamaica." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Socialantropologiska institutionen, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-96266.
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Dancehall is an influential space of cultural creation and expression within Jamaican society. This study is about how Jamaican dancehall is being performed, and what this performance means to its participants. Dancehall is mainly practiced by lower-class Jamaicans. This thesis focuses on dancers as a specific group among these participants. During 15 weeks I lived in Kingston and participated in dancehall culture daily. The fieldwork was focused on one dance group called “The Black Eagles”. The dancehall is gender structured and most dancers are men who organize in male crews. Practicing dancehall can be seen as a cultural resistance to structural injustice, while it also works to enforce oppressive ideologies. Dancehall culture is criticized for being immoral, inappropriate and violent. Dancehall is a survival strategy for many lower-class Jamaicans and an alternative to a life in crime. The Black Eagles dance because they love it, but the main motivation for initiating a career as a dancehall dancer is the hope of getting a better life. Digital technology and social media have helped dancers to reach this goal. Through social media, the dancehall dance has gained international popularity. This thesis relates to broader themes such as development, poverty, globalization, gender and identity.
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Hogsor, Ayse Evren. "AKP,state and capital: a class-theoretical re-interpretation of the conflict between the 'centre' and 'periphery' in Turkey." Thesis, Lancaster University, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.745979.
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Henson, Nicholas Allan. "The Pen, the Scaffold, and the Sword: Representations of Labor and Class Conflict in American Historical Fiction After 1945." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/12478.
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279 pagesThe Pen, the Scaffold, and the Sword traces sympathetic representations of class, labor, and radicalism in American literature from post-war modernism through the rise of postmodernism. I investigate two distinct but interrelated questions: How have authors writing after 1945 used history to represent labor and radicalism in their work? Furthermore, how have these historical representations explored avenues for resistance by exploited workers and their supporters? I use critical approaches to postmodern literature that have emphasized the proliferation of previously unheard narratives focused on race, gender, and sexuality as they are presented against dominant white male representations. However, I turn to class and labor as complementary avenues for critically investigating similar unheard historical narratives. I argue that by depicting specific labor conflicts each of these texts present counter histories to standard or popular historical narratives that have ignored the breadth and importance of class conflict in U.S. history. These texts retell the stories of historic labor struggles to rejuvenate an awareness of class and labor issues in contemporary readers. In doing so, they establish counter narratives meant to be read against common conceptions of the past. I contend they change reader perceptions of history and contemporary social and political issues by demanding we abandon totalizing conceptions of history and emphasize contingent or limited representations instead. Chapter I establishes the parameters of the project. Chapter II turns toWallace Stegner’s Joe Hill (1951) and its often ignored sympathetic portrayal of labor. Chapter III focuses on the 1954 film Salt of the Earth and its communication of historical lessons as a basis for future social reforms. Chapter IV compares Denise Giardina’s coal mining novels Storming Heaven (1987) and The Unquiet Earth (1990) with Upton Sinclair’s work in King Coal (1917) to examine the former’s emphasis on agency and environmentalism. Chapter V compares Thomas Pynchon’s exploration of history through the motifs of the frontier and families in Against the Day (2006) and Vineland (1990) with Owen Wister’s work in The Virginian (1902). Finally, Chapter VI examines historical fiction in the age of postmodernism though an examination of E.L. Doctorow’s Ragtime (1974).
Committee in charge: Elizabeth Wheeler, Chair; Forest Pyle, Member; Suzanne Clark, Member; James Earl, Member; Daniel Pope, Outside Member
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Knabben, Karina Amorim. "Class conflict in William Deam Howells's the rise of Silas Lapham and a Hazard of new fortunes :: aristocratic nostalgia /." Florianópolis, SC, 1999. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/80989.
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Dissertação (Mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Comunicação e Expressão.Made available in DSpace on 2012-10-18T21:36:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0Bitstream added on 2016-01-09T02:04:32Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 143510.pdf: 2312944 bytes, checksum: fb222dc8173aa48315ad6c10f875bb42 (MD5)
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Garrido, Deolinda do Carmo Oleirinha Valério. "Mediação escolar e direção de turma: um estudo sobre as práticas dos diretores de turma do 3º ciclo numa escola do Baixo Alentejo." Master's thesis, Universidade de Évora, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10174/11338.
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Esta investigação teve como objetivo geral caraterizar as práticas dos diretores de turma do 3º ciclo na escola secundária c/3º Ciclo Diogo de Gouveia, para aferir em que medida essas práticas são na realidade, as de um mediador. No enquadramento desta problemática de investigação, surgiram sete objetivos específicos: Identificar as funções legisladas dos diretores de turma; Identificar as práticas dos/as diretores/as de turma do 3º Ciclo da ESDG; Conhecer a forma de atuação dos DT‘s em situações de conflito; explorar a oferta formativa disponível para o cargo de DT; Conhecer a formação obtida dos DT‘s do 3º ciclo da ESDG; Conhecer os obstáculos na realização das tarefas inerentes ao cargo de DT; e avaliar o grau de satisfação na realização das tarefas inerentes ao cargo de DT. A abordagem ao tema da dissertação, Mediação Escolar e Direção de Turma, fez-se em primeiro lugar, a partir da revisão de literatura, através de diferentes textos e artigos de autores, que sustentam os conceitos trabalhados e da legislação que suporta uma e outra prática. No estudo empírico recorreu-se à aplicação de entrevistas semi-diretivas, aos diretores de turma do 3º ciclo, da escola onde decorreu a investigação. Foram também observados documentos chave, para se obter uma caraterização das turmas, percebendo-se assim, a forma de atuação dos docentes no cargo de DT. Nesta etapa foi também necessário fundamentar as opções metodológicas, através de autores de referência. Finalmente, numa tentativa de epílogo do trabalho realizado, tecem-se as considerações finais, onde se conclui que as práticas dos diretores de turma do 3º ciclo na ESDG, estão contempladas nas diretrizes legais que as orientam. Os seus procedimentos coincidem em diversas ações com a mediação escolar, no entanto, as diferenças acentuam-se na metodologia geral de intervenção; ### ABSTRAT:
School Mediation and Head Class work-A study on the practices of the head class teachers of middle school at a school in the Southern Alentejo This study aimed to characterize the practices of head class teachers of middle school at Diogo de Gouveia School, to assess the extent to which these practices are in fact those of a mediator. In there search of this issue seven specific objective as emerged: To Identify the functions head class teachers according to legislation; To Identify practices of head class teachers at ESDG; Knowing how head class teachers act in conflict situations; explore the training offer available for the position of head class teacher; Get to know the formation obtained by the head class teachers at ESDG; Get to Know the obstacles in the tasks inherent to the position of head class teacher and to evaluate the degree of satisfaction in the tasks inherent to that position. The approach to the topic of the dissertation, School Mediation and Head Class work, was made primarily from their view of the existing literature (different texts and articles) of authors who support the concepts studied and the legislation that support search practice. In the empirical study we resorted to the application of semi-directive interviews to the head class teachers at the school where the research took place. Key documents were also studied to obtain a characterization of the classes thus understanding the form of performance of teachers in charge of classes. This step was also necessary to support the methodological options through the study of reference authors. Finally we conclude that the practices of the head class teachers at ESDG are according to the legal guidelines. The teacher‘s actions on various procedures coincide with school mediation however the differences are stressed in the overall methodology of intervention.
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Langevin, Mark Steven. "Bitter dispute the political economy of divided labor in Brazil /." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1995. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/38058832.html.
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Jančenkas, Ernestas. "Kratologija: galios ir kai kurių jos aspektų analizė naudojantis šiuolaikinėje politinėje filosofijoje formuluojamomis teorijomis." Master's thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2014. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2014~D_20140722_103118-44592.
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Darbe, pasitelkiant įvairias šiuolaikinės politinės filosofijos teorijas, analizuojama galia ir trys jos aspektai: ekonominė galia, politinė galia ir galia-žinojimas. Darbe parodoma, kad politinė galia yra daug labiau suvaržanti individo laisvę veikti nei ekonominė galia, su sąlyga, kad ekonominė galia nesinaudoja politinės galios priemonėmis. Taip yra dėl to, kad nepaklusnumo ekonominei galiai kaštai yra gerokai mažesni nei bet kada anksčiau. Kita vertus, nepaklusnumas politinei galiai, tiek prieš daugelį metų, tiek ir dabar reiškia politinės galios darinių agresiją paklusti atsisakančio individo atžvilgiu. Su trečiuoju galios aspektu yra kiek sudėtingiau. Kaip tik čia filosofo darbas įgauna didelę svarbą. Pasak Foucault, Deleuze‘o ir kt., intelektualai turi analizuoti ir mėginti suvokti, kaip mus veikia internalizuotos galios sampratos bei įvairios savaime-suprantamybės, kurios lemia mūsų paklusnumą ar nepaklusnumą galiai ir mūsų požiūrį į įvairias jos apraiškas. Kitaip sakant, filosofas turi reflektuoti minties santykį su galia. M. Foucault ko gero geriausiai suformulavo šią problemą iškeldamas savąjį politinės filosofijos klausimą: Kaip galia gamina tiesos diskursus, kurie turi tokį stiprų poveikį mums? Siekiant atsakyti į pastarąjį klausimą analizuojama socialistinė tradicija, jos santykis su galia ir galios santykis su socializmu.The work deals with the analysis of power and its various aspects, namely economic power, political power and power-knowledge. Throughout the work various models are used that are drawn from various contemporary authors, M. Foucault, M. N. Rothbard, G. Deleuze, Z. Bauman among them. The work tries to answer the question posed by M. Foucault: How does Power create truth-discourses that have such a great effect upon us? To answer this question the tradition of socialism is analyzed. The analysis of socialism provides a clear cut example how Power can be augmented via various discourses that are sympathetic towards its growth and how various attempts by the Power to suppress socialism have actually entrenched and radicalized the socialist discourse among its adherents.
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Askelius, Jimmy. "Konflikthantering : med elever i mindre undervisningsgrupp med psykosociala problem." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Lärarutbildningen, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-24585.
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The purpose of this study is to portray conflict managing associated with children in a small class and what problems they may face each day at school. What types of conflicts and what consequences do teachers practice? This study is based on these following questions: Is there any difference for solving/measure for students with psychosocial problems or ADHD in a conflict or does teachers still works with the same methods? What types of conflict solving does schools use? What is important to consider with students in a small class who has psychosocial problems and ADHD to prevent conflicts? Summary: To answer my questions in this study, I´ve used qualitative methods, interviews and observations. I have used my cellphone for recording the interviews so that all content from the informers are accurate. My theoretical points concerns on having strict rules both inside and outside the classroom. Teachers in school use first one method in conflict solving, a need based approach, which means that teachers first listens to the involved students and interacts thereafter. Every school in Sweden has a document called Plan for equal treatment, which guides teachers on how to deal with conflicts. They also use other rapports such as arrangement plan and incident rapport. The conclusion of my study is that children with psychosocial problems do feel better harmony with strict rules. They need guidance and goals so they know what to do and what is expected of them. If the rules bend, it is more likely that conflicts and other disorder in the classroom emerges.
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Peoples, Clayton D. "Power and class conflict in capitalist democracy business contributions, labor contributions, and two decades of legislative influence in the U.S. /." Connect to this title online, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1116602044.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains x, 124 p.; also includes graphics Includes bibliographical references (p. 118-124). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center
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Papaleonardos, Chris Takis. "The Institutionalization of American Industrial Conflict - Collective Bargaining, Arbitration, and Working-Class Militancy in the Postwar United States, 1948-1980." Connect to resource, 1990. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1224181911.
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Drummond, Susan Margaret. "The experiences of middle-class professional working mothers from Central and Southern Cape Town with regard to work-family conflict." University of the Western cape, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5392.
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Magister Psychologiae - MPsychWomen's roles in the workplace have increased but expectations within their family roles have not diminished. Work-family conflict (WFC) occurs when work and family roles are mutually incompatible in some respect. Mothers' representations of their own particular personal contexts seem largely absent from the cultural iconography and so motivations for the study included bringing to light the phenomenological experiences of contemporary full-time working mothers by developing a rich description of their lived experience. These ideas have not been widely explored in South Africa. The study aimed to explore how full-time working mothers experience work-family conflict, including how they conceptualise their dual roles, how salient each role is to them, the factors in the work and family domains which are particularly pertinent for them and any coping strategies they might employ. The study used as a theoretical framework the model of work-family conflict developed by Greenhaus and Beutell in 1985, together with an extension from the work of Amstad, Meier, Fasel, Elfering and Semmer in 2011. The study used a phenomenological methodology. Eight middle-class, professional, full-time working mothers from the Southern Suburbs and City Bowl of Cape Town were interviewed individually, using a semi-structured interview schedule. A qualitative paradigm was used to analyse the interviews. Emotional and cognitive repercussions of WFC were many, including feelings of unsustainability. Some participants acknowledged a need to compromise in order to cope, but the current normative messages are not conducive to this. Participants aspire, not to stop working, because the role of worker is regarded as important for self-definition, but to reduce their overall load. The generalisability of this study was reduced because of its localised ambit, its small size and some similarities in socio-economic profile among the participants. Future studies could further explore the choices or strategies which are successful in reducing WFC.
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Santos, Marleide Maria. "Movimentos sociais : na trama subliminar do ocultamento dos conflitos de classe." Universidade Federal de Sergipe, 2008. https://ri.ufs.br/handle/riufs/5479.
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The present study is centered in the conception of Social Movements while expression of the content of the division and of the conflicting relations among the social class. In that sense, it is understood the construction of the notion of Social Movement and its unfoldings, as part of a wide project, that is mined, in the ideological plan, the social conflicts, through the politics of the collaboration among the classes and of the consequent remeaning of the conflicts. The analysis perspective that permeated the debates, around the Social Movement category, in the years 1980/1990, pointed the emergency of "New Social" Movements (NMS) related to the supposed loss of the centrality of the work and of the crisis of the class struggle, under the paradigm of the culture. In the opposite direction of that affirmative and its presuppositions, our analysis was based in the dialectical method that allows verifying, starting from the category totality, that the social conflicts exist equal and step in its contradictions, independent of what is put as cultural identity. It is defended in this thesis that the memory of the peasants struggles in Brazil, stippled of manifestations and historical experiences, are evidences in the several ways of reactions to the exploration logic, below the syntony of interest of the hegemonic class, in the power, articulated with the State, fact so well evidenced in our geographical historical Brazilian formation, in the Northeastern semi-arid. In this inclination it was fundamental to understand the
reason why the semi-arid has been constituted as appropriation territory and convergence of interests of the capital, metamorphosed in the rhetorical speech of the geographical naturalization, but that, concretely, it is configured in government programs that guarantee the
conformation of the social and territorial inequality of the labour. In this path the field research accomplished in the Territory of the Alto Sertão Sergipano proved as the proposal of a new rural development, now backed in the local development, with focus in the territory, it is part of a
strategy with many faces, formulated by the neoliberal State and for its cooperators and international allies, to contain insurrection of the rural workers without their own land.
Engendered in the salience of the development politics for relief of the rural poverty, the territorial development is organized to neutralize the tactics of direct actions of the popular movements, such as the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra - MST; Movimento dos Pequenos Agricultores - MPA, and Movimento dos Atingidos por Barragens - MAB. The territory is presented as planning instrument, in which, illusionality, are found the solutions for
the problems of the local population. The Social Movements have been facing the challenge of being part of that architecture of legitimation of the ideological character of the dominant class that is dressed on the speech of the administration of collective participation. Such perspective
aims to neutralize the conflicts, to guarantee the conciliation and, to justify the conflicts as actions of criminalization of the Social Movements. As resistance the Social Movements try to
enlarge their scales of performances, to narrow and to intensify the alliances, in the sense to assure and to reaffirm their beginnings and their struggle flag. To Geography, the task is to think, to contemplate, to watch and to reveal this reality, permeated of contradictions, in the way as the
capital produces and reproduces spaces self-territorializing, and to present alternatives of overcoming possibilities to the warranty of the alternative territories of the peasant population.O presente estudo está centrado na concepção de Movimentos Sociais enquanto expressão do conteúdo da divisão e das relações conflituosas entre as classes sociais. Nesse sentido, compreende-se a construção da noção de Movimento Social e seus desdobramentos, como parte de um amplo projeto, que minou, no plano ideológico, os conflitos sociais, através da política da colaboração entre as classes e da conseqüente ressignificação dos conflitos. A perspectiva de análise que permeou os debates, em torno da categoria Movimento Social, nos anos 1980/1990, apontou para a emergência de novos Movimentos Sociais (NMS) relacionada à suposta perda da centralidade do trabalho e da crise da luta de classes, sob o paradigma da cultura. Na contramão dessa afirmativa e seus pressupostos, esta análise foi embasada no método dialético, que permite constatar a partir da categoria totalidade, que os conflitos sociais existem par e passu nas suas contradições, independente do que é posto como identidade cultural. Defende-se nessa tese que a memória das lutas camponesas no Brasil, pontilhada de manifestações e experiências históricas, são evidências das diversas formas de reações à lógica de exploração, sob a sintonia de interesse da classe hegemônica, no poder, articulada com o Estado, fato tão bem evidenciado na nossa formação histórica geográfica brasileira, no Sertão Nordestino. Neste viés foi fundamental entender o porquê o Sertão tem se constituído território de apropriação e convergência de interesses do capital, metamorfoseado no discurso retórico da naturalização geográfica, mas que, no concreto, se configura em programas governamentais que garantem a conformação da desigualdade social e territorial do trabalho. Nesta trajetória a pesquisa de campo realizada no Território do Alto Sertão Sergipano comprovou como a proposta de um novo desenvolvimento rural, agora respaldada no desenvolvimento local, com enfoque no território, faz parte de uma estratégia multifacetada, formulada pelo Estado neoliberal e por seus cooperadores e aliados internacionais, para conter a insurreição dos trabalhadores rurais sem terra. Engendrada no bojo das políticas de desenvolvimento para alívio da pobreza rural, o desenvolvimento territorial é organizado para neutralizar as táticas de ações diretas dos movimentos populares, tais como o Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra MST, o Movimento dos Pequenos Agricultores MPA e o Movimento dos Atingidos por Barragens MAB. O território é apresentado como instrumento de planejamento, no qual, ilusoriamente, são encontradas as soluções para os problemas da população local. Os Movimentos Sociais têm enfrentado o desafio de fazerem parte dessa arquitetura de legitimação do caráter ideológico da classe dominante, que se traveste no discurso da gestão de participação coletiva. Tal perspectiva objetiva neutralizar os conflitos, garantir a conciliação e poder justificar os conflitos como ações de criminalização dos Movimentos Sociais. Como resistência os Movimentos Sociais procuram ampliar suas escalas de atuações, estreitar e intensificar as alianças, no sentido de assegurar e reafirmar seus princípios e sua bandeira de luta. À Geografia, cabe a tarefa de pensar, refletir, desvelar e revelar esta realidade, permeada de contradições, no modo como o capital produz e reproduz espaços se territorializando e apresentar alternativas de possibilidades de superação para a garantia dos territórios alternativos da autonomia camponesa.
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Farias, Luiz Felipe Ferrari Cerqueira de 1985. "Agronegócio e luta de classes : diferentes formas de subordinação do trabalho ao capital no complexo agroindustrial citrícola paulista." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281861.
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Orientador: Edmundo Fernandes DiasDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: O objetivo deste texto é investigar as diferentes frações da classe trabalhadora subordinada ao capital agroindustrial no complexo citrícola paulista: pequenos produtores familiares de laranjas, assalariados rurais e assalariados industriais. Propomo-nos analisar as continuidades e descontinuidades sociais e políticas existentes entre estas diferentes frações, com o propósito de apreender a classe trabalhadora que compõe este complexo enquanto uma totalidade concreta. Para tanto, destacaremos e analisaremos trechos de entrevistas com múltiplos sujeitos que têm seu sobre trabalho explorado pelo capital agroindustrial citrícola no estado de São Paulo: pequenos produtores de laranjas que mantêm seu modo de vida e trabalho familiares; pequenos produtores de laranjas em acentuado processo de proletarização; pequenos proprietários ou posseiros migrantes que se assalariam periodicamente em lavouras paulistas; assalariados rurais manuais com e sem registro em carteira; operadores de máquinas agrícolas e transportadores de laranjas às agroindústrias; trabalhadores de chão de fábrica terceirizados ou efetivos, safristas ou permanentes. A partir da reprodução de citações o mais próxima possível à fala destes trabalhadores entrevistados, buscaremos analisar as tendências e contra-tendências de sua consciência a respeito das contradições a que estão submetidos e as múltiplas estratégias coletivas e individuais por eles acionadas para contorná-las
Abstract: The aim of this dissertation is to investigate different fractions of the working class subordinated to capital within the citric agroindustrial complex in São Paulo. We intend to analyze the social and political continuities and discontinuities among family citriculturists, rural wage workers and industrial wage workers. To do so, we will transcribe and examine interviews with multiple subjects exploited by the citric agroindustrial capital: small citriculturists who maintain their family way of work and life; small citriculturists in intensive process of proletarianization; squatters who periodically migrate to become wage earners in São Paulo; rural laborers and agricultural machine operators; truck drivers who transport oranges into the industries; industrial workers hired permanently or temporarily, etc. We will analyze the tendencies and counter-tendencies of their speech regarding the contradictions to which they are submitted, as well as the collective and individual strategies which they mobilize in response
Mestrado
Sociologia
Mestre em Sociologia
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Polidoro, Michael A. "The use of patrol craft in low intensity conflict operations : an alternative model for the employment of the Cyclone-class (PC-1) /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1995. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA305935.
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Piser, Gabriel A. "Appalachian Anthropocene: Conflict and Subject Formation in a Sacrifice Zone." The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1469120301.
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Amorim, Ailana Cristina de. "Relações intra-classe : solidariedade e conflito na formação da classe operária no Rio Grande do Sul." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/15004.
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Este trabalho analisa as relações de solidariedade e conflito no processo de formação da classe operária no Rio Grande do Sul no final do século XIX e início do XX. Parte-se do pressuposto que a classe se forma nas relações travadas com a burguesia, mas também naquelas relações que se estabelecem entre seus próprios membros, as quais nem sempre são de união e cooperação. Preocupou-se em analisar estas relações de solidariedade e conflito em diversos espaços e situações da vida operária: as relações entre trabalhadores homens e mulheres, a instrução operária, as entidades associativas, a exploração fabril, as greves entre outros. Procurou-se demonstrar que o processo de formação da classe foi baseado em critérios como de gênero, etnia, ideologia e que estes interferiram diretamente no modo de vida e de luta destes trabalhadores operários.This study analyses the solidarity and conflict relations on the making of working-class in Rio Grande do Sul at the end of ninetieth century and the beginning of twentieth century. We believe that as far as the struggle class is responsible for the making of working-class are also the relations between the workers. But we also know that in some cases those relations aren’t of cooperation and union. Our goal is to understand those relations in some spaces and situations of working-class life: the relations between men and women workers, worker education, the associations they founded, the factory exploration, the strikes, etc. We tried to demonstrate that the making of working-class was built-up in aspects like gender, ethnical and ideological elements that directly interfered in the way of life and struggle of these workers.
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Neal, F. "Sectarian violence in nineteenth century Liverpool : a study of the origins, nature and scale of the Catholic-Protestant conflict in working class Liverpool, 1819-1914." Thesis, University of Salford, 1987. http://usir.salford.ac.uk/14828/.
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The central concern of this study is the nature, origin and scale of the physical conflict between Protestants and Catholics in Liverpool throughout the period 1819 to 1914. This topic is examined within the framework of the endemic anti-Catholicism of Victorian England and the reactions to the dismantling of the privileges of the established Church. In addition, the scale of Irish immigration into Liverpool during the nineteenth century and its consequences for local government and the maintenance of public order are discussed and related to the phenomenon of sectarian violence. From this framework, certain themes are selected for detailed study and related to the core issue of physical sectarian conflict. Using both official sources and newspaper material, an account is given of the appearance and growth of the English Orange Order, its mexrüership, objectives and its role in formenting sectarian conflict. In particular, the relationship between Liverpool Conservatism and Orangeism before 1850 is examined in detail. The strength of the middle class adherence to Church and Constitution politics is an important theme within this study and the mechanism whereby such concerns were transferred to working class Protestants by evangelical Anglican clergy is examined in the context of Liverpool. Particular attention is also paid to the tensions within the Chruch of England arising from the activities of ritualist clergy and the consequences of this controversy in working-class Liverpool. The roles played by two individuals, Hugh McNeile and George Wise, in formenting sectarian violence are examined closely. Lastly, and most important from the viewpoint of the study's objective, the nature of the physical conflict, its extent and its enduring quality, together with its divisive effects on Liverpool's working class community is demonstrated.
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Colman, Maya Pearl. "Community, Connection, and Conflict; The Liminal Spaces of the Regents Canal and the Industrial Transition of London (1812-1900)." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1625484195241175.
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Curran, Michele M. "Torn Identity: Workingwomen and Their Struggle Between Gender and Class, 1932-1950." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1302505278.
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Oliveira, Sarajane de Fátima Lima de. "Conflito trabalho-família e o uso de práticas de suporte instrumental em empresas fabricantes de eletroeletrônicos de Caxias do Sul." reponame:Repositório Institucional da UCS, 2009. https://repositorio.ucs.br/handle/11338/410.
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Em uma sociedade, onde a competitividade empresarial encontra-se acirrada e a força de trabalho tende a ser cada vez mais diversificada, na qual as mulheres ocupam importante espaço no mundo profissional, as organizações necessitam adotar estratégias que propiciem, além da lucratividade, um ambiente saudável que priorize o bem-estar das pessoas que delas fazem parte. Nesse contexto, a busca do equilíbrio entre o trabalho e a vida pessoal é uma questão a ser enfrentada por todas as empresas. Dessa forma, essa pesquisa teve por objetivo propiciar um entendimento sobre a atuação de algumas empresas do setor eletroeletrônico de Caxias do Sul em relação ao conflito trabalho-família que pode afetar as mulheres trabalhadoras. O método científico que norteou a pesquisa foi o fenomenológico proposto por Husserl, sendo que esta ocorreu em duas etapas. A primeira etapa da pesquisa foi de caráter exploratório e teve uma abordagem qualitativa. Portanto, voltou-se para a coleta de informações relativas às empresas através de entrevistas semi-estruturadas a fim de verificar os seus posicionamentos quanto ao uso de práticas de suporte instrumental, visando minimizar o conflito trabalho-família, sendo a análise de conteúdo utilizada para esse fim. Na segunda etapa, foi utilizada a concepção descritiva da pesquisa, sendo a abordagem quantitativa. Nesta etapa, foi realizada a coleta de informações por parte das funcionárias, de forma a levantar o perfil sociodemográfico das mesmas e investigar a ocorrência do fenômeno conflito trabalho-família, utilizando-se o método de survey. A população foi composta por quatro empresas fabricantes de eletroeletrônicos de Caxias do Sul, e as amostras configuraram-se como não-probabilística por julgamento e probabilística do tipo amostragem estratificada proporcional. Como resultados, observou-se que as empresas estudadas adotam tais práticas, motivadas principalmente, pela busca de satisfação dos funcionários, redução dos índices de rotatividade e absenteísmo e aumento da produtividade. Identificou-se a ocorrência do conflito trabalho-família entre as funcionárias e um efeito positivo resultante do uso das práticas de suporte instrumental, contribuindo para minimizar esse fenômeno.Submitted by Marcelo Teixeira (mvteixeira@ucs.br) on 2014-05-28T16:52:22Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Sarajane de Fatima L de Oliveira.pdf: 841855 bytes, checksum: 916eb1e175b688fabf0223c93a2acdcd (MD5)
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In a society, where the competitiveness of the enterprise is growing and the work force tends more to be each time diversified, in which the women occupy important space in the professional world, the organizations needs to adopt strategies that they propitiate, beyond the profitability, a healthful environment that prioritizes well-being of the people who of them are part. In this context, the search of balance between work and personal life is a question to be faced by all the companies. Therefore, this research had for objective to propitiate an understanding on the performance of some companies of the electric appliances sector of Caxias do Sul in relation with the conflict work-family which can affect the feminine workforce. The scientific method that guided the research was phenomenological, as proposed by Husserl, and occurred in two stages. The first stage of the research had an exploratory character and had a qualitative approach. It was realized data collection on the companies through half-structuralized interviews in order to verify their positioning on the use of practical of instrumental support, aiming at minimizing the conflict work-family. In the second stage of the research was used a descriptive conception of the research through a quantitative approach. In this stage, a collection of information on the part of the employees was carried through, in a way to raise their socio-demographic profile and to investigate the occurrence of the work-family conflict phenomenon, using the survey method. The population is composed of four companies which manufacture electric appliances of Caxias do Sul and the samples were configured as non judgment probability and proportional stratified probabilistic sample. As results, it was observed that the studied companies adopt practices motivated mainly by the search of satisfaction for their employees, the reduction of the rotativity and absenteeism indices and the increase in productivity. Occurrence of the conflict work-family was identified between the employees and a positive effect resulting of the use of the practices of instrumental support contributed to minimize this phenomenon.
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Lynteris, Christos. "Epidemic events : state-formation, class struggle and biopolitics in three epidemic crises of modern China." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/2150.
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Based on extended research on Chinese medical and epidemiological archival material dating back to the beginning of the 20th century, and on six months of internship in epidemiology in Beijing’s Medical School and in Haidian District’s Centre of Disease Control and Prevention, this thesis explores the conjunction of three major epidemiological crises in modern Chinese history with processes of State formation: the 1911 Manchurian pneumonic plague, the 1952 germ-warfare, and the 2003 SARS outbreak. Analysing the three crises as Events in line with Alain Badiou’s epistemology it seeks to establish how different strategies of governmental fidelity to the imagined cause of each crisis have led to distinct modes of organisation and valorisation of the social: Republican China and its decline to fascism; the clash between professional revolutionaries and technocrats in Maoist China; and the emergence of the “Harmonious Society” of mass exploitation and repression today. This conjunction between State formation and epidemiological Events is explored with the use of Foucault’s genealogical method in a quest for a historical materialist approach that posits at its epicentre processes of class composition, decomposition and recomposition, and their contested enclosure by the governmental apparati of capture. The present thesis thus examines the three major epidemiological crises of modern China as forming grounds for biopolitical strategies that give rise to modes of subjectivation and circuits of debt/guilt within the context of the class struggle. And at the same time, it aims to create a new field of investigation for anthropology: the relation of State and Event, from a viewpoint that contests the accepted relation of event and structure expounded by Marshall Sahlins, proposing as the main object of this investigation the conjunction between necessity and will that can never be reduced either to the naturalism of historical determinism, nor to the culturalism of subjective contingency.
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Morell, i. Tipper Marc Andreu. "La Flor y Muerte de un Barrio. An Ethnography on Comprehensive Gentrification and Class Struggle in Urban Majorca." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/397712.
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With his seminal proposal of a rent-gap theory, Neil Smith developed a consistent materialist explanation for gentrification that efficiently contended with individual consumer preference tenets by focusing on the cycles of capital’s disinvestment and reinvestment in the built environment thanks to the necessary mediation of forms of collective social action. However, since the rent-gap theory had been devised to argue against «consumer preference», with the emphasis on the back-to-the-city movement by capital and not people, all understandings of people vanished, including those that hold them to be the bearers of particular class relations and interests.
Despite later attempts to mellow such a structuralist approach by teasing out the working-class experience of resistance and displacement, it is hard to find in the original and subsequent work on rent gaps any explicit reference to the actual class relations that take place in the production of space of which gentrification is only one out of many expressions. These class relations are encouraged by the geographical expansion of capital and by the bureaucratic mediations of the State but in the last instance all of these are dependent on the labour of the working class. Such an understanding bears the possibility for thinking and implementing the limits to gentrification. Not only does gentrification have to face the contradictions of capital in its geographical expansion, and the conflictive State mediations encountered at every moment of the rent gap, but it may also encounter the opposition of a working class objectively made within the gentrification process.
After theorizing on the role ethnography can play in social anthropology and by extension in all social sciences, and by drawing lessons from the extensive oeuvre of Henri Lefebvre and to some ulterior developments on the production of space, I offer an ethnographic account for Es Barri, an area subject to comprehensive gentrification in the Historic Centre of Ciutat de Mallorca (also known as Palma, Spain). Although only partially successful, I argue the gentrification encountered in the field is comprehensive in so far it has been sought from several different instances and by various means, among which the involvement of so-called civil society organizations specialized in implementing on the ground the ideas of scale (the neighbourhood) and preservation (heritage) the class relation the rent-gap hypothesis holds. Furthermore, with the aim of complementing Neil Smith’s contribution regarding the collective mediator the State is, and acknowledging that gentrification is only yet another a spatial expression of a much more comprehensive social relation, I argue each of the rent-gap moments of disinvestment and reinvestment are laboured by different groups (the so-called underclass and the middle classes) that, despite the fact they carry out a struggle that subjectively brings them together, they are apparently unaware of forming a single working class that produces surplus for others thanks to what I come to call their «urban labour». Likewise, I contend that for rent gaps to be successful and find a profitable closure there is a need to maintain as wide open as possible the class gap on which urban labour is founded upon.
Against the description of the spatialisation of classes that are already formed, there is a need to explain politically how spatialisation intervenes in the urban struggle that makes them.Amb la teoria del diferencial de renda, Neil Smith desenvolupà una sòlida explicació materialista que serví per a entendre els processos de «gentrificació». Per a fer front als postulats de la preferència del consumidor individual, hi fità la ullada en els cicles de desinversió i reinversió del capital en l’entorn construït que estaven subjectes a la necessària mediació de formes d’acció social col·lectiva. En aquesta tesi doctoral hi contribuesc a la hipòtesi del diferencial de renda tot afirmant que cadascun dels cicles es basteixen a partir del «treball urbà» de diferents grups socials («classes marginals« i «classes mitjanes») que fan part d’una mateixa classe obrera del que uns tercers n’extreuen plusvàlues. A fi de confirmar aquest extrem, analitz el paper de l’etnografia en l’antropologia social i per extensió en el conjunt de les ciències socials, extrec lliçons de l’obra de Henri Lefebvre i de desenvolupaments ulteriors entorn de la producció de l’espai, i oferesc un relat etnogràfic de com es construí Es Barri, una àrea sotmesa a una gentrificació integral en el Centre Històric de la Ciutat de Mallorca (a les Illes Balears, Espanya). La hipòtesi del «treball urbà» permet pensar en els límits a la gentrificació com a una expressió més de la producció de l’espai, i ho fa des de posicionaments que fan prevaldre el treball per sobre del capital i de l’Estat gràcies al fet de considerar la formació objectiva d’una mateixa classe obrera a partir de la cooperació de grups ben diferenciats en una mateixa cadena de producció de valor. Ara bé, és precisament per mor d’aquesta diversitat que a nivell subjectiu no trobam una consciència col·lectiva explícita. Sostenc que per a que el diferencial de renda no es pugui tancar profitosament, cal acostar tant com sigui possible el diferencial de classe sobre el que es fonamenta el treball urbà. Contra la descripció de l’espacialització de les classes que ja estan formades, cal explicar políticament com l’espacialització hi intervé en la lluita urbana que les fa.
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Pascoal, Isaias. "Reprodução da força de trabalho no Sul de Minas : seculo XIX : no contexto de uma formação economica não-exportadora." [s.n.], 2005. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280938.
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Orientador: Rubem Murilo Leão RegoTese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
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Resumo: Esta pesquisa procura explicar a forma como a força de trabalho se reproduziu socialmente no sul de Minas no século XIX, constituindo-se no elemento fundamental da reprodução do sistema econômico que aí se configurou. Sem desconhecer a importância do poder condicionante das várias instâncias da vida social, notadamente da economia e da cultura, ela enfatiza a proeminência do poder politico, exercido em nível local e nacional pelos mais diversos sujeitos sociais, comoo ponto definidor do processo que permitiu a contínua sujeição da força de trabalho escrava, diversamente configurada, que conviveu ao lado de uma massa heterogênea de trabalhadores livres. Só no decorrer de um longo processo histórico foi possível o aparecimento de condições que impediram a continuidade do processo de reprodução social, conduzindo os vários atores à busca de novos arranjos capazes de sustentar a produção econômica e o status e a hierarquia social por ela sustentados
Abstract: This research aims at explaining the way work force has been produced socially in the South of Minas in the nineteenth century, basing on the fundamental element of the reproduction of the economic system that there took place. Not unknowing the importance of the conditioning power of the various levels of social life, especially economic and culture, it emphasizes the preeminence of the polítical power exercised in local and national level by the most diverged social subjects, as the defining point of the process which allow the continuous subordination of the slave work force, diversely configured, which existed together with a heterogeneous mass of free work. Only in the running of a long historic process was it possible the appearing of conditions which prevented the continuity of the process of social reproduction, leading the various actors in search of new arrangements capable of sustaining the economical production and status and the social hierarchy sustained by it
Doutorado
Doutor em Ciências Sociais
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Burgueño, Leiva Cynthia Luz. "Clases laboriosas, clases peligrosas. Movimiento obrero, franquismo y transición en la Gran Barcelona." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/671358.
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Este trabajo está enfocado en los procesos de conflictividad obrera en la Gran Barcelona durante los años setenta. La hipótesis general es que la clase trabajadora ha sido una de las fuerzas sociales que más se ha manifestado en la oposición a Régimen Franquista y durante la transición democrática, cuya dinámica ascendente -que mientras se extendía se enfrentaba a una fuerte represión-, ha ido profundizando tendencias a la coordinación, la autoorganización y la politización. Una hipótesis historiográfica crítica de la transición, contraria a la visión idílica de un ‘cambio pacífico’ y protagonizado exclusivamente por ‘los de arriba’.
En primer lugar, se abordaron los precedentes históricos de la década del setenta. En el apartado La conflictividad laboral durante los primeros años del franquismo, se analiza la conformación del Estado franquista determinado por su fuerte carácter represivo y las duras condiciones de posguerra que provocaron una desafección al Régimen, desarrollándose en la década de 1940 importantes huelgas. En segundo lugar, en el apartado La década de 1950: nueva conflictividad obrera, transformaciones económicas y giro político del Régimen, se analiza el desarrollo de las primeras huelgas de esta década. En tercer lugar, en el apartado Los años sesenta: nueva clase obrera, crecimiento económico y el nuevo marco de relaciones laborales, vemos cómo el proceso de modernización del aparato productivo desembocó en importantes transformaciones en el conjunto de la clase trabajadora. En cuarto lugar en Las clases laboriosas comienzan a volverse peligrosas, analizamos la extensión e intensidad de la conflictividad obrera en esta década, la extensión de las Comisiones Obreras, el papel de las organizaciones de izquierda, principalmente el PCE y PSUC en Catalunya.
En la parte central del trabajo, La conflictividad obrera en los años setenta. Nueva clase obrera, crisis del Régimen y transición, analizamos el proceso de recomposición de las fuerzas de la clase trabajadora llegando a una década que denominaremos auge o ascenso obrero. En el siguiente apartado El régimen en crisis: los obreros se rebelan. Conflicto de clase y movimiento obrero en Barcelona, pretende demostrar que la clase trabajadora ha sabido superar la fragmentación y desestructuración sufrida producto de los efectos de la derrota de la guerra civil y la represión del nuevo Estado franquista. Se ha ido constituyendo un movimiento obrero que superó las barreras locales, construyendo una nueva cultura obrera.
En el apartado: Año 1976: la “ruptura pactada” de la transición se estudia cómo se fue preparando la reforma política de Suárez y, paralelamente, la oposición antifranquista para una ruptura pactada con el nuevo Régimen. Este trabajo parte de la premisa de que el desarrollo de la conflictividad obrera, con un movimiento obrero en ascenso en 1976, no indicaba una dinámica inevitable hacia las políticas pactistas que resultaron de la transición, tal como se analiza en El ascenso de las luchas obreras en
1976. Cuando los de arriba pactaban, los de abajo se radicalizaban. Se analiza un segundo momento de la radicalidad obrera en 1976, cuando el Gobierno franquista pactaba con el PCE. Para esta premisa analizamos El conflicto de Roca Radiadores: experiencia de autoorganización obrera de una huelga política durante la Transición, cruzado por los profundos cambios hacia la Transición durante los años 1976 y 1977 que duró la huelga de 95 días. En el capítulo Mujeres laboriosas, mujeres peligrosas, se analiza el protagonismo de las mujeres trabajadoras como un componente fundamental en lo que fue la gran oposición obrera.
La intensa conflictividad obrera como motor determinante de la crisis del Régimen franquista devela el carácter de la misma transición, lejos de un desarrollo pacífico y de un marco exclusivo de pactos y reformas.Aquest treball està enfocat en els processos de conflictivitat obrera en la Gran Barcelona durant els anys setanta. La hipòtesi general és que la classe treballadora ha estat una de les forces socials que més s'ha manifestat en l'oposició a Règim Franquista i durant la transició democràtica, sota una dinàmica ascendent que mentre s’estenia, s'enfrontava a una forta repressió, aprofundint tendències a la coordinació, l'autoorganització i la politització. Una hipòtesi historiogràfica crítica de la transició, contrària a la visió idíl·lica d'un ‘canvi pacífic’ i protagonitzat exclusivament ‘pels de dalt’. Primer, es van abordar els precedents històrics que van anar conformant una desafecció al Règim Franquista: les primeres vagues, importants transformacions de la classe treballadora i, durant la dècada del seixanta, l'extensió de la conflictivitat obrera. En la part central del treball, “La conflictivitat obrera en els anys setanta. Nova classe obrera, crisi del Règim i transició”, s'analitza la recomposició i emergència d'un moviment obrer que, superant la fragmentació, la desestructuració i les barreres locals, va saber construir una nova cultura obrera. La premissa central és que la conflictivitat no indicava una ‘dinàmica inevitable’ cap a les polítiques pactistes que van resultar de la transició. Així ho demostra el capítol “El conflicte de Roca Radiadores: experiència d'autoorganització obrera d'una vaga política durant la Transició”, creuat per profunds canvis en els anys 1976 i 1977 que va durar la vaga de noranta-cinc dies. També el capítol “Dones laborioses, dones perilloses”, on s'analitza el protagonisme de les dones treballadores com un component fonamental en el que va ser la gran oposició obrera. La intensa conflictivitat obrera com a motor determinant de la crisi del Règim franquista desvela el caràcter de la mateixa transició, lluny d'un desenvolupament pacífic i d'un marc exclusiu de pactes i reformes.
This work is focused on the processes of workers’ conflict in Greater Barcelona during the seventies. The general hypothesis is that the working class has been one of the social forces that has manifested the most in opposition to the Franco Regime and during the democratic transition, whose upward dynamics which, -while it was spreading, faced strong repression- has been deepening tendencies towards coordination, self-organization and politicization. A critical historiographic hypothesis of the transition, contrary to the idyllic vision of a ‘peaceful change’ led exclusively by ‘those from above’. First, this tesis addresses the historical precedents that were shaping a disaffection with the Franco Regime: the first strikes, important transformations of the working class and, during the sixties, the extension of workers' conflict. In the central part of the work, “The labor conflict in the seventies. New working class, crisis of the regime and transition” the recomposition and emergence of a labor movement is analyzed. The movement knew how to build a new working class culture, overcoming fragmentation, social de- structuring and local barriers. The central premise is that the existence of conflict did not indicate an ‘inevitable dynamic’ towards the pact-based politics that resulted from the transition. This is exposed in the chapter “The conflict of Roca Radiadores: experience of worker self-organization of a political strike during the Transition'', which shows the profound changes in the years 1976 and 1977, when the 95-day strike occurred. The premise is also explored in the chapter "Working women, dangerous women", which analyzes the role of working women as a fundamental component in what was the great labor opposition. The intense labor conflict as the determining engine of the crisis of the Franco Regime reveals the nature of the transition itself, far from a peaceful development and a framework built exclusively by pacts and reforms.
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ARCOVERDE, Márcio Romerito da Silva. "Lutas operárias num espaço semirrural : Trabalho e conflitos sociais em Moreno-PE. 1946-1964." Universidade Federal Rural de Pernambuco, 2014. http://www.tede2.ufrpe.br:8080/tede2/handle/tede2/4784.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES
This thesis aims to investigate the migration , labor relations , the sociability , the domination forms, social conflicts in Societe Belge Cotonière Bresilienne S. A. and the performance of the local working class in the 1946-1964 democratic context . This study takes into consideration the peculiar case of the tissues factory in the state of Pernambuco and in Moreno city, which constitute the ideals of capitalist work in that environment . Place that passed between urban and rural areas . Bring to historical research study of this working class , which had the classic patterns of industrialization , create , recreate , interact and represent their cultural , social and economic relations in the " company town " of Moreno . Our work is based on analysis of a working class that stands out for having unique characteristics , so we insert the various methods of observation of subjects in historical context marked by distinctions and class struggles.
Esta dissertação tem como objetivo investigar a migração, as relações de trabalho, as sociabilidades, as formas de dominação, os conflitos sociais na Societé Cotonière Belge Bresilienne S. A. e a atuação da classe operária local no contexto democrático de 1946-1964. Este estudo leva em consideração o peculiar caso da fábrica de tecidos encravada no interior do estado de Pernambuco, cidade de Moreno, constituidora dos ideais do trabalho capitalista naquele ambiente. Espaço que transitou entre o mundo urbano e o rural. Trazemos para a pesquisa histórica o estudo desta classe operária, que fora dos padrões clássicos de industrialização, criam, recriam, interagem e significam suas relações culturais, sociais e econômicas na “cidade-empresa” de Moreno. Nosso trabalho se baseia na análise de uma classe operária que se destaca por ter características peculiares, assim, inserimos as diversas formas de observação dos sujeitos no contexto histórico marcado por diferenciações e lutas de classes.
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Cicero, Pedro Henrique de Moraes 1984. "Revolução Bolivariana e lutas sociais = o confronto político nos primeiros anos do governo Hugo Chávez Frías." [s.n.], 2010. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/281656.
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Orientador: Andréia GalvãoDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: A presente dissertação objetiva analisar as principais lutas sociais na Venezuela durante os dois primeiros mandatos do governo comandado por Hugo Chávez Frías (1999-2006). Para tanto, três eixos conceituais permearão o trabalho: as idéias de neoliberalismo, de lutas sociais e a de confronto político. A partir delas serão expostas as conexões entre a vitória conquistada por Hugo Chávez nas eleições de 1998 e duas variáveis: o aumento na quantidade e intensidade dos conflitos sociais durante a década de 1990 (não obstante a debilidade dos movimentos sociais venezuelanos) e os desastrosos resultados obtidos pela investida neoliberal no país. Uma vez eleito, porém, o governo bolivariano pouco avançou no sentido de enfrentar o principal entrave para o contínuo e sustentável desenvolvimento da referida nação: a estrutural dependência de sua economia frente aos proventos advindos do comércio petroleiro. As relações de produção na Venezuela mantiveram-se, pois, eminentemente capitalistas. Houve, entretanto, a partir das transformações impostas pela administração bolivariana, a solidificação um novo "bloco no poder". A atual correlação de forças sociais é reflexo direto do embate entre duas estratégias bastante distintas no seio do chavismo: de um lado a perspectiva hegemônica que estrutura suas ações políticas em práticas partidaristas, hierarquizadas e orientadas "de cima para baixo"; de outro, uma vertente de oposição pautada por esforços no sentido de incentivar a construção de um cenário político no qual os movimentos sociais atuem como forças políticas capazes de comandar a Revolução Bolivariana "de baixo para cima". A alternância entre estas estratégias são uma constante no desenrolar do processo político liderado por Hugo Chávez. Tal dinâmica mostra-se extremamente importante para as análises que buscam entendê-lo em sua totalidade
Abstract: This dissertation aims to explore the major political actions and popular struggles waged in Venezuela during the first two terms of the administration led by Hugo Chávez Frías (1999-2006). To this end, three central bases permeate the debate: the concepts of neoliberalism, social struggles and political confrontation. They all are necessary to express the clear interface between the victory by Hugo Chávez in the 1998 election and two variables: despite the weakness of the Venezuelan social movements, the increase in the quantity and intensity of social conflicts and, also, the disastrous results obtained by the neoliberal onslaught during the 1990s. However, once elected, the Chávez government has advanced little in order to confront the main obstacle to the continued and sustainable development of the country: its economy structurally depends on the proceeds from the oil market. In this sense, it is clear that the relations of production in Venezuela remained essentially capitalists. Yet, there was, since the transformations imposed by the Bolivarian administration, the solidification of a new "bloc in power". The current power correlation of social forces is a direct reflection of the clash between two very different strategies within the chavismo: in one side, the hegemonic perspective "top down", whose actions are structured in partisan and hierarchically oriented orders from the political party; on the another side, the view "bottom up": a strand of opposition guided by efforts to encourage the construction of a reality on which social movements end up acting as political forces capable of commanding the Bolivarian revolution "from below". The alternations between these strategies are constant in the course of the experience led by Hugo Chávez and, for that mean, are extremely important to analyze its entirety
Mestrado
Mestre em Ciência Política
50
Calique, Luís José. "Gestão de conflitos face à indisciplina dos alunos da 9.ª classe da escola do I Ciclo do Ensino Secundário: 10 de fevereiro/Benguela." Master's thesis, Universidade Portucalense, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11328/1418.
Full textAbstract:
Dissertação de Mestrado em Administração e Gestão da Educação.Depois de uma longa caminhada na busca de conhecimentos científicos para obtenção do grau de Mestrado na área de Administração e Gestão Escolar, com olhos erguidos e um espírito crítico aos fenómenos sociais, permitiu-nos observar com mais rigor sobre os fatos mais “caricatos” e “patológicos” cognominados indisciplina que em parte condiciona o processo de ensino aprendizagem. A partir dos resultados desta observação, sentimos com a presente dissertação a necessidade de falarmos sobre a “Gestão de Conflitos face a Indisciplina dos alunos da 9ª classe da escola do I Ciclo do Ensino Secundário 10 de Fevereiro/Benguela.As indisciplinas para além de tornarem a vida dos profissionais pedagógicos em obstáculos, criam também possibilidades maiores à existência de conflitos, é por estas e outras razões, observadas dia pois dia na nossa sociedade angolana que o presente estudo pretende analisar com fundamentos teóricos e empíricos sobre as estratégias que os gestores/professores devem utilizar dentro das suas tarefas profissionais para minimização do problema, metodologicamente trata-se de um estudo do tipo descritivo, de carácter exploratório e transversal,para tornar significativamente este estudo foi elaborado três questionários conforme a natureza de cada indicador da amostraselecionadade forma aleatória por 10 professores, onde 7 são femininos, 65 alunos, onde 45 são femininos e 12 pais/encarregados de educação. Os dados apontam resultados positivos quanto as estratégias utilizadas para gestão dos conflitos face a indisciplina, visto que os gestores/professores da escola em estudo utilizam como estratégias, o diálogo, atribuição de responsabilidades, convocatória aos pais/encarregados de educação e encaminhamento ao conselho disciplinar. Estes resultados são significativos e fundamentais para a presente investigação pois contribui com estratégias para a gestão de conflitos face a indisciplina, a todos os gestores, profissionais e educadores de modo atuarem sem dificuldades maiores.
After a long walk in the pursuit of scientific knowledge for the degree of Master in Administration and School Management area, with raised eyes and a critical attitude to social phenomena, allowed us to observe more strictly on the facts more "cartoonish" and "pathological" cognominados indiscipline which in part determines the process of teaching and learning. From the results of this observation, we feel with this thesis the need to talk about the "Conflict Management face the indiscipline of students of the 9th grade school I Secondary School Cycle Feb. 10 / Benguela. The indiscipline addition to making the lives of teaching professionals obstacles also create greater opportunities to the existence of conflicts, it is for these and other reasons, observed day for day in our Angolan society that the present study aims to analyze theoretical and empirical grounds on the strategies that managers / teachers should use in their professional tasks to minimize the problem, methodologically it is a descriptive study, exploratory and transversal, to significantly make this study was prepared three questionnaires as the nature of each indicator of the sample selected randomly for 10 teachers, where 7 are female, 65 students where 45 are female and 12 parents / guardians. The data show positive results as the strategies used for the management of disputes related to indiscipline, as managers / school teachers under study use as strategies, dialogue, allocation of responsibilities, notice to parents / guardians and referral to the disciplinary board . These results are significant and fundamental to this research contributes to strategies for handling disputes related to indiscipline, to all managers, professionals and without difficulty act so educators.
Orientação: Prof. Doutora Cristina Costa Lobo.