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Journal articles on the topic 'Electoral Commission of Ghana'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 3 March 2023

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1

Bentil, Shadrack, and Edmund Poku Adu. "Communication Deficit and Monetization of Political Contests at the Electoral Commission of Ghana." Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan 9, no. 1 (2019): 73–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.26618/ojip.v9i1.1344.

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The current state of the office of the Electoral Commission (EC) of Ghana can be couched as a bleeding pillar in Ghana’s electoral democracy pending crisis. In spite of the numerous reform measures undertaken by the EC to improve the quality delivery of its constitutional mandate, communication deficit and the increasing monetization of parliamentary and presidential contestation poses a serious threat to broader participation and competition in Ghana's future electoral fortune. Thus, the objective of the paper was to interrogate the issues of communication inefficiencies and monetization of p

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2

Van Gyampo, Ransford Edward. "The State of Electoral Reforms in Ghana." Africa Spectrum 52, no. 3 (2017): 95–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971705200305.

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Following Ghana's December 2012 elections, there was a protracted election petition process at the nation's Supreme Court challenging the declaration of the winner as the duly elected presidential candidate. Even though the Supreme Court ruled in favour of the declared winner, it made several recommendations that paved the way for numerous interventions aimed at putting together proposals for electoral reform to fine-tune Ghana's electoral processes. Several such reform proposals were submitted to the Electoral Commission by the end of 2013. Nevertheless, these were not implemented to guide th

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3

Benson, George Hikah. "Electoral Dispute Resolution in Ghana since 1992: An Assessment of the Role of the Judiciary Arm of State." Journal of Advanced Research in Social Sciences 5, no. 4 (2022): 35–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/jarss.v5i4.616.

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Since becoming a constitutional democracy in 1993, many electoral disputes have arisen in Ghana following elections, with both state and non-state agencies playing key roles in the resolution of these disputes at the levels of general elections, bye-elections, assembly elections, inter alia. The focus of this paper, however, is an examination of the effectiveness of the electoral dispute resolution role of the judiciary arm of state, as mandated under Articles 64(1) and 99(1) of the 1992 Fourth Republican Ghanaian Constitution. Additionally, this paper seeks to identify the underlining causes

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4

Bekoe, Dorina A., and Stephanie M. Burchard. "Robust electoral violence prevention: An example from Ghana." African Affairs 120, no. 481 (2021): 543–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adab028.

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Abstract Existing electoral violence prevention programming does not sufficiently account for the incentives that compel political actors to use violence. When Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo defeated Ghana’s incumbent President, John Dramani Mahama, in December 2016, the transition was lauded for its orderliness and credited with furthering Ghana’s democratization. Many attributed the peaceful transfer of power to significant reforms undertaken by the electoral commission and the democratic values internalized by the candidates. However, we find that the reforms and personal attributes of the pol

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5

Omotola, J. Shola. "The Electoral Commission of Ghana and the Administration of the 2012 Elections." Journal of African elections 12, no. 2 (2013): 34–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2013/v12i2a3.

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6

Debrah, Emmanuel. "Measuring Governance Institutions' Success in Ghana: The Case of the Electoral Commission, 1993–2008." African Studies 70, no. 1 (2011): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00020184.2011.557573.

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7

Owusu, Maxwell. "Tradition and Transformation: Democracy and the Politics of Popular Power in Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 2 (1996): 307–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0005535x.

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In April 1992, after nearly 11 years of military rule in Ghana, a draft democratic constitution of the Fourth Republic was overwhelmingly approved in a national referendum.1 The ban on multi-party politics was lifted by the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC) Government in the following month. An independent interim National Electoral Commission was established, and a hotly contested presidential election in 200 constituencies monitored by teams of international observers was held in November 1992. After multi-party parliamentary elections to the National Assembly, boycotted unfortunat

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8

Odoom, Daniel, Ernest Opoku, and Edward Gyamfi. "Ballot Paper Wastage in Elections in Ghana: Reflections of Electoral Commission Officers and Voters in the Jaman South District." International Journal of Technology and Management Research 1, no. 4 (2020): 12–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.47127/ijtmr.v1i4.34.

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This paper investigated the reflections of Electoral Commission (EC) officers and voters in the Jaman South District with regard to ballot paper wastage in elections in Ghana using descriptive exploratory research design. Purposive and convenience sampling techniques were used to select 172 respondents for the study with questionnaires, structured interview and interview guide as the research instruments. The study revealed that elections were conducted to help select leaders for the nation and to help ensure that leaders are accountable to the people. Policies and ideologies of candidates wer

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9

Alidu, Seidu Mahama, and Gbensuglo Alidu Bukari. "Ethnic undercurrent and macro-level determinants of voter participation in Ghana’s 2012 election: Implications for the 2020 national elections." Legon Journal of the Humanities 31, no. 1 (2020): 145–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ljh.v31i1.6.

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In this paper we analyze the ethnic undercurrent and macro-level determinants influencing voter participation in Ghana based on aggregate district-level data. The paper focuses on the determinants that influenced citizens’ political participation in the 2012 Presidential elections of the Fourth Republic of Ghana and their implications for the December 2020 national elections. The unique approach of this paper is that district-level aggregate data on economic characteristics compiled by the Ghana Statistical Service are synchronised with district-level national presidential election results com

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10

Alidu, Seidu Mahama, and Gbensuglo Alidu Bukari. "Ethnic undercurrent and macro-level determinants of voter participation in Ghana’s 2012 election: Implications for the 2020 national elections." Legon Journal of the Humanities 31, no. 1 (2020): 145–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ljh.v31i1.6.

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In this paper we analyze the ethnic undercurrent and macro-level determinants influencing voter participation in Ghana based on aggregate district-level data. The paper focuses on the determinants that influenced citizens’ political participation in the 2012 Presidential elections of the Fourth Republic of Ghana and their implications for the December 2020 national elections. The unique approach of this paper is that district-level aggregate data on economic characteristics compiled by the Ghana Statistical Service are synchronised with district-level national presidential election results com

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11

P. Botchway, Thomas, and Abdul Hamid Kwarteng. "Electoral Reforms and Democratic Consolidation in Ghana: An Analysis of the Role of the Electoral Commission in the Fourth Republic (1992-2016)." Asian Research Journal of Arts & Social Sciences 5, no. 3 (2018): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.9734/arjass/2018/39607.

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12

Nkansah, Lydia A., and Delali A. Gawu. "A Review of the Electoral Process under Ghana's Fourth Republic." African Journal of International and Comparative Law 28, no. 3 (2020): 355–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ajicl.2020.0318.

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There have been seven general elections, under Ghana's Fourth Republic, to elect presidents and members of parliament. There are laws regulating the electoral process and election results have generally been accepted and, in a few cases, challenged through the laid-down process. Elections in Ghana are nonetheless reportedly flawed with irregularities tainting the outcome and creating tensions and sometimes pockets of violence. This article examines the electoral process under Ghana's Fourth Republic, namely the adoption of regulations for each electoral cycle, voters’ registration and the vote

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13

Anaman, Kwabena Asomanin, and Gbensuglo Alidu Bukari. "Political Economy Analysis of Voter Participation and Choices in National Elections in Ghana’s Fourth Republican Era." Research in World Economy 10, no. 3 (2019): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/rwe.v10n3p174.

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We analysed the determinants of voter participation (turnout), impairment of voter participation (spoiled or rejected ballots), and the outcomes (share of the total valid votes cast garnered by the victorious political party) in national presidential elections during the Fourth Republican era in Ghana. This analysis was undertaken based on meso-level statistical models, using district-level data of voters compiled from constituency-level data maintained by the Electoral Commission of Ghana, and district-level socio-economic characteristics derived from the 2010 and 2000 National Population Cen

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14

Sulemana, Iddisah, and Ibrahim Issifu. "An empirical examination of the determinants of trust in Ghana." International Journal of Social Economics 42, no. 11 (2015): 1005–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijse-03-2014-0060.

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Purpose – How trust affects political, social, and economic phenomena have been studied by scholars for many years. However, not many studies have examined what factors determine trust among people and trust in public institutions. There is particularly a dearth of research on trust in Ghana. The paper aims to discuss this issue. Design/methodology/approach – The authors use data from the 2012 Afrobarometer Surveys to mimic four sets of variables that Alesina and La Ferrara (2002) find as significant determinants of trust – recent traumatic experiences, having been historically discriminated a

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15

Levine, Stephen. "Book Review: Electoral Commission, The New Zealand Electoral Compendium (Wellington: Electoral Commission, 1997), pp. 174, $9.95." Political Science 50, no. 1 (1998): 132–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231879805000108.

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16

Thornton, Richard. "The Electoral Commission and schools." set: Research Information for Teachers, no. 3 (December 1, 2016): 71–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.18296/set.0065.

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17

Marwa, Ryoba. "The Competence of the Electoral Commission to Conduct Free and Fair Elections in Tanzania: A Legal Analysis." Journal of Politics and Law 15, no. 3 (2022): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v15n3p54.

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The credibility of election being termed as free and fair election cannot be examined without examining the competence and independence of the Electoral Commission with mandates of conducting the elections. In Tanzania, Electoral Commission of Tanzania vested with mandates of conducting elections is constitutionally and statutorily described to be an independent body with the mandates of carrying out its functions without adhering to directives from any person. Nonetheless, the analysis in this study reveals that the Electoral Commission of Tanzania&rsquo;s set-up is unlikely to run electi

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18

Samararatne, Dinesha. "Sri Lanka's First Election Commission: Strengthening Electoral Management or Advancing Electoral Integrity?" Asian Journal of Comparative Law 16, S1 (2021): S156—S176. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asjcl.2021.34.

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The undisputed success of Sri Lanka's first Election Commission (2015–2020) was the conduct of free and fair elections, that is to say, electoral management. I argue in this article that, by design and in practice, it was unable to or failed to advance electoral integrity that is urgently required for the health of Sri Lanka's constitutional democracy. At critical points when electoral integrity and constitutional democracy were threatened, it was the Court, the traditional institutional check on the Executive and the Legislature, that prevented its further erosion. The Commission, therefore,

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19

Czerw, Jarosław. "Legal Position of the Regional Electoral Commission for Conducting Voting in the Circuit and the Regional Electoral Commission for Determining the Results of Voting in the Circuit – de lege lata and de lege ferenda Postulates in the Light of the 2018 Local Self-government Elections." Studia Iuridica Lublinensia 29, no. 4 (2020): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/sil.2020.29.4.31-44.

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<p>During the local self-government elections that took place in 2018 in Poland, for the first time regional electoral commissions for conducting voting in the circuit and regional electoral commissions for determining the results of voting in the circuit appeared. Both electoral commissions are appointed by the appropriate electoral commissioner from among the voters. The tasks of the regional electoral commission for voting in the circuit include conducting voting in the circuit and ensuring that the election law is observed in the place and time of voting. However, the tasks of the re

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20

Mujuzi, Jamil Ddamulira. "Prisoners’ right to vote in Uganda: Comment on Kalali Steven v Attorney General and the Electoral Commission." Journal of African Elections 19, no. 2 (2020): 18–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2020/v19i2a2.

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Article 59 of the Constitution of Uganda (1995) provides for the right to vote. Although the Constitution does not prohibit prisoners from voting, the Uganda Electoral Commission has never made arrangements for prisoners to vote. On 17 June 2020, in the case of Kalali Steven v Attorney General and the Electoral Commission, the Ugandan High Court held that prisoners and Ugandans in the diaspora have a right to vote and that the Electoral Commission should put in place arrangements for them to vote. Uganda will have elections in 2021. The purpose of this article is to suggest practical ways in w

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21

Mensa-Bonsu, Maame A. S. "Why Electoral Reforms are Urgently Needed in Ghana." African Journal of International and Comparative Law 29, no. 2 (2021): 185–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ajicl.2021.0359.

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In this article, I examine the breathtakingly wide scope of executive power and the low threshold for electoral victory in Ghana's constitution. I demonstrate how the ‘first past the post’ electoral formula colludes with the ‘winner takes all’ government configuration to saddle Ghana with a corruption-fuelled governance crisis that could escalate over time to be an existential threat to the longest-lasting democratic period Ghana has ever known. I assert that electoral reform to provide for consociational government is the only feasible way to simultaneously lessen the starkness of electoral l

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22

Marx, Benjamin, Vincent Pons, and Tavneet Suri. "Voter Mobilisation and Trust in Electoral Institutions: Evidence from Kenya." Economic Journal 131, no. 638 (2021): 2585–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ej/ueab027.

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Abstract In a large-scale randomised experiment implemented with Kenya’s Electoral Commission, text messages intended to mobilise voters boosted electoral participation. However, the messages also decreased trust in electoral institutions after the election. This decrease was stronger for individuals on the losing side and in areas that experienced election-related violence. We hypothesise that the mobilisation campaign backfired because the Electoral Commission promised a transparent and orderly electoral process but failed to deliver on these expectations. Several potential mechanisms accoun

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23

Sesa, Leonard L. "A Comparative Study of the Challenges of Being Independent: Case studies (Botswana Independent Electoral Commission and Electoral Commission of Zambia)." Politeia 33, no. 3 (2017): 6–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0256-8845/3272.

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Elections in a democracy are a way to bring about a peaceful transfer of power in an organised and peaceful manner within a legal framework. However, this process, in most countries, carries with it elements of uncertainty and tension. Southern African countries like Botswana and Zambia have more experience with comparative democratic electoral politics than others. This article seeks to identify the legal framework that govern and the weaknesses and opportunities that exist in the electoral commissions of Botswana and Zambia in order to eradicate the current challenges faced by election manag

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24

Shattock, Ethan. "The electoral commission, disinformation and freedom of expression." Northern Ireland Legal Quarterly 71, no. 4 (2021): 675–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.53386/nilq.v71i4.543.

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This commentary examines how the prospective electoral commission could play a role in combatting disinformation in the run-up to Irish elections. While legislative debates have pointed to the potential role of the commission in protecting elections from anti-democratic actors who disseminate false electoral claims, no clear mandate has detailed how this could manifest. This ambiguity is exacerbated by Ireland’s electoral statutory framework, which has struggled to adapt to the challenging digital realities of contemporary electoral engagement. While the emergence of disinformation and related

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25

Pyrzyńska, Agata. "SUPERVISION OF THE STATE ELECTORAL COMMISSION OVER ELECTORAL COMMITTEES DURING THE ELECTION CAMPAIGN." Studia z zakresu nauk prawnoustrojowych. Miscellanea VIII, z. 2 (2018): 173–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.0369.

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The subject of this article is the problem of the supervisory tasks of the National Electoral Commission (the NEC) in relation to electoral committees. Within the meaning of the Polish Electoral Code, the NEC is the most important supervisory body over the observance of the electoral law. While the NEC’s supervision does not raise any doubts with regard to lower-level electoral bodies, so controversy arises in the context of entities involved in the electoral process, but which are not part of electoral administration. Among these entities there are mainly electoral committees. In this article

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26

Dunleavy, Patrick, and Helen Margetts. "Mixed Electoral Systems in Britain and the Jenkins Commission on Electoral Reform." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 1, no. 1 (1999): 12–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-856x.00002.

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27

Beever, Graham. "The New Game with the Old Rules: Boundary Determination Under MMP." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 34, no. 1 (2003): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v34i1.5803.

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In 1996, New Zealand experienced its first election under MMP, a system of proportional representation. MMP had been recommended ten years earlier by the Royal Commission on the Electoral System. However, some of the details surrounding the operation of the new system differ significantly from the original recommendations of the Royal Commission.In relation to the determination of electoral boundaries, an issue of considerable importance under the previous First Past the Post system but of diminished significance under MMP, there are two particularly important differences. One of these is the

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Shilaho, Westen K. "â€˜I do not know who won the electionsâ€™: How Not to Conduct Elections and Kenyaâ€™s Democratic Reversals." Politeia 33, no. 3 (2017): 44–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0256-8845/3274.

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The role of election management bodies (EMBs) in consolidation of democracy, peace and stability in Africa cannot be overemphasised. Kenyaâ€™s electoral bodies have struggled to assert their autonomy from the executive, a prerequisite for credible elections, since the advent of multiparty politics in 1991. The violently disputed presidential elections in 2007 were partly triggered by a partisan and politicised electoral body. The Chairman of the defunct Electoral Commission of Kenya (ECK) controversially declared the incumbent, Mwai Kibaki, winner, igniting unprecedented ethnic violence. In th

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Singh, Ujjwal Kumar, and Anupama Roy. "Regulating the Electoral Domain: The Election Commission of India." Indian Journal of Public Administration 64, no. 3 (2018): 518–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556118788497.

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The Election Commission of India (ECI) is generally seen as a regulatory body with the power to enforce rules for the efficient conduct of elections. The ECI performs a range of overlapping functions, not all of which are regulatory. The ECI has been actively engaged in framing rules that constitute both the procedural and substantive aspects of electoral democracy in India. Following successive court decisions, Article 324 has become a ‘reservoir of powers’ giving the ECI scope for the exercise of residuary powers in a variety of situations. The ‘legal doctrine of electoral exceptionalism’ du

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30

Butt, Simon, and Fritz Siregar. "Multilayered Oversight: Electoral Administration in Indonesia." Asian Journal of Comparative Law 16, S1 (2021): S121—S135. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asjcl.2021.32.

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AbstractElectoral administration in Indonesia is complex. The Electoral Commission (Komisi Pemilihan Umum) is responsible for planning and running five-yearly elections for one national and two regional legislatures, and one additional national regional representative body, as well as direct presidential, gubernatorial, mayoral and regent elections. Because candidates and parties often have significant financial stakes in their outcome, these elections are hotly contested and the results quite commonly disputed, including in Indonesia's Constitutional Court (Mahkamah Konstitusi). Electoral con

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31

Dube, Angelo. "Implications of the Failure to Pay The Required Electoral Deposit in South Africa: Analysing National Freedom Party V Electoral Commission and Another." Afrika Focus 33, no. 1 (2020): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-03301004.

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The right to participate in elections is one of the cornerstones of any democratic country. This is true of South Africa’s electoral process, which was put to the test in the case of National Freedom Party v Electoral Commission in 2016. To promote free and fair elections, certain safeguards must be put in place. These include notifying the Electoral Commission of an intention to participate in elections through the payment of a deposit on a specified date by the party intending to participate in elections, and the publication of an election timetable by the government. This research has found

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Tkach, Aleksandr S. "On the formation and functioning of the municipal election commission." Vestnik of Kostroma State University, no. 2 (2019): 256–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2019-25-2-256-259.

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The article deals with problems of the legal status, formation and functioning of the election commission of the municipality. The author analyzes the provisions of the Federal Law "On Basic Guarantees of Electoral Rights," this law determines the status of the election commission of the municipality. The author notes the following problems of the legal status of the municipal commission. First, the representative body of the municipal formation forms the municipal election commission. Secondly, the representative body of the municipality must appoint half of the total number of members of the

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Maley, Michael. "The Australian electoral commission: Balancing independence and accountability." Representation 38, no. 1 (2001): 25–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344890108523156.

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Makulilo, Alexander Boniface. "INDEPENDENT ELECTORAL COMMISSION IN TANZANIA: A FALSE DEBATE?" Representation 45, no. 4 (2009): 435–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344890903257409.

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35

Harding, Robin. "Attribution And Accountability: Voting for roads in Ghana." World Politics 67, no. 4 (2015): 656–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887115000209.

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Do voters in Africa use elections to hold governments accountable for their performance in office? In contexts of limited information and weak state capacity, it can be difficult for citizens to attribute the provision of public goods and services to political action. As a result, voters often have little information about government performance on which to condition their electoral support. Such contexts are frequently characterized by clientelism or ethnic politics, and there is a widespread impression that African elections are little more than contests in corruption or ethnic mobilization.

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McLean, Iain. "The Jenkins Commission and the Implications of Electoral Reform for the UK Constitution." Government and Opposition 34, no. 2 (1999): 143–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1999.tb00475.x.

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THERE ARE TWO MAIN CONCEPTIONS OF ‘REPRESENTATION’ IN democratic theory, and they are not wholly compatible. All democratic electoral systems implicitly appeal to one or the other conception of representation. Therefore, the nature of an ideal electoral system is an essentially contested question. Furthermore, the mathematics of social choice sets severe limits on what an electoral system — any electoral system — can achieve. Though the implications of social choice are not so nihilistic as some would have us believe, they are relevant and serious.

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Busia, Kwaku Abrefa, Alice Amegah, and Francis Arthur-Holmes. "Pathways of Electoral Clientelism in University Student Elections in Ghana: An Exploratory Study." Journal for Students Affairs in Africa 9, no. 2 (2021): 153–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24085/jsaa.v9i2.2204.

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Recent studies on student politics and governance have shown that electoral clientelism (EC) in university student elections is often facilitated by clientelist relations between student leaders and political parties. However, there is a dearth of empirical research investigating the various forms of electoral clientelism, as manifested through vote-buying practices in campus electoral politics in African universities. This article, therefore, investigates the multifaceted and changing dynamics of vote-buying in student electoral processes in Ghanaian universities. The study adopted a qualitat

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Amin, Muryanto, Muhammad Arifin Nasution, and Faiz Albar Nasution. "Institutional Strengthening of Electoral Commission in Increasing Voter Participation in Medan Mayoral Elections 2020." ABDIMAS TALENTA: Jurnal Pengabdian Kepada Masyarakat 6, no. 2 (2021): 411–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.32734/abdimastalenta.v6i2.6331.

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Institutional strengthening of Electoral Commission is a model to increase voter participation in 2020 Medan Mayoral Elections. Purpose of activities in improving voter participation through; First, describe trend of voter participation in Medan. Second, explain the Readiness of the Medan Municipal Election Commission in 2020 Regional Head Elections. Third, explaining institutional strengthening of Electoral Commission in increasing voter participation in Medan. Method of implementation of activities through a panel discussion with Blended learning based on webinars, and face-to-face with Sele

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Ezugworie, Chikwado, Christopher Ostar, and Okorie Albert. "INDEPENDENT NATIONAL ELECTORAL COMMISSION AND THE PROSECUTION OF ELECTORAL OFFENCES IN NIGERIA: IS THE 2010 ELECTORAL ACT IMPLICATED." International Journal of Business Management and Economic Review 04, no. 01 (2021): 50–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.35409/ijbmer.2021.3229.

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Kildea, Paul. "The Constitutional Role of Electoral Management Bodies: The Case of the Australian Electoral Commission." Federal Law Review 48, no. 4 (2020): 469–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0067205x20955097.

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Electoral management bodies are increasingly being recognised as ‘fourth branch’ institutions that have a role to play in safeguarding electoral democracy against government attempts to undermine the fairness of the electoral process. This article explores the extent to which the Australian Electoral Commission (‘AEC’) fulfils that constitutional function by facilitating and protecting electoral democracy. It demonstrates that independence, impartiality and a supportive legislative framework help the AEC to be effective in performing these roles, but that inadequate powers, lack of budgetary a

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Shah, Dian A. H. "The Malaysian Election Commission: Navigating Electoral Authoritarianism and Political Change." Asian Journal of Comparative Law 16, S1 (2021): S105—S120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asjcl.2021.31.

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AbstractThe urgency of electoral reforms has long been identified as a key to improving democracy in Malaysia. For decades, electoral manipulation through gerrymandering, malapportionment, and issues with the electoral roll and conduct of elections have undermined democratic quality and competition. The Malaysian Election Commission (EC) has – understandably – come under scrutiny for its role in facilitating and sustaining these problems. However, what requires a greater level of attention is the question of how the EC – despite its position as a constitutional institution that exists independ

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Singh, Mayengbam Nandakishwor. "Election Commission, Electoral Democracy and Constitutionalization of Elections in India." Indian Journal of Public Administration 67, no. 2 (2021): 165–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00195561211022579.

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Amid the debates as to whether India practises democracy in the true fashion, the stupendous role of the Election Commission of India (ECI) clearly exhibits that India adopts at least a robust electoral democracy. Stringent election codes of conduct are imposed on political parties. The ECI ensures that all Indian citizens eligible for political rights exercise their franchise independently. They are sufficiently empowered to choose their representatives. Since the responsibilities of ensuring free and fair elections are shouldered by the Election Commission, there is no doubt that it holds on

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Decker, Frank, and Eckhard Jesse. "Wahlrechtsreform. Eine Agenda in zwölf Punkten." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 51, no. 4 (2020): 785–801. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2020-4-785.

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The Grand Coalition in Germany struggled with achieving a substantial reform of the electoral law . The measures it has introduced will presumably fail to prevent an additional increase in the number of Bundestag members after the next election . It is highly probable that the forthcoming electoral commission will once again make suggestions for changing the system . The article discusses 12 topics that the commission should address: extending the legislative period and introducing a deadline for the investiture of the government - maintaining the original size of parliament, the proportional

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Tey, Tsun Hang. "Malaysia's Electoral System: Government of the People?" Asian Journal of Comparative Law 5 (2010): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s219460780000034x.

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AbstractThis article seeks to examine the constitutional and legal aspects of Malaysia's election laws (within its first-past-the-post electoral system) seen within the broader socio-political context of Malaysia's plural society and ethnic-based political representation to evaluate if they conform to democratic principles and equitable standards. In particular, this article seeks to: (i) explore how the growth of the dominant political elite has had direct implications for the development of Malaysia's electoral regime and arrangements for the holding of democratic elections; (ii) survey the

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Kashirkina, Anna A., and Andrey N. Morozov. "Expert examination of electoral legislation in the conclusions of the Venice Commission." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. Law 12, no. 4 (2021): 1109–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu14.2021.419.

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The article is devoted to the theoretical and practical approaches of the European Commission for Democracy through Law (the Venice Commission) to the assessment of electoral processes and elections in states. Since the Venice Commission is a subsidiary body of the Council of Europe, special attention is paid to the observance of Council of Europe standards in the field of human and civil rights in regard to elections. Through an empirical analysis of various documents of the Venice Commission (conclusions, recommendations, codes of practice, etc.), a conclusion is drawn about the existential

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Renshaw, Catherine, and Michael Lidauer. "The Union Election Commission of Myanmar 2010–2020." Asian Journal of Comparative Law 16, S1 (2021): S136—S155. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asjcl.2021.33.

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AbstractThe 2008 Constitution of the Union of Myanmar establishes the framework for a ‘discipline-flourishing’ constitutional democracy in which the Tatmadaw, the Burmese military, retains a significant degree of power. Under this Constitution, the Union Election Commission (UEC) is vested with significant authority to supervise elections, regulate political parties and electoral campaigns, register voters, suspend elections, and to make conclusive determinations in electoral disputes. Between 2010 and 2020, the UEC oversaw three consecutive general elections and three by-elections. Following

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Morrison, Minion K. C., and Jae Woo Hong. "Ghana's political parties: how ethno/regional variations sustain the national two-party system." Journal of Modern African Studies 44, no. 4 (2006): 623–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x06002114.

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This paper analyses Ghanaian electoral geography and its accompanying political party variations over the last decade. After re-democratisation in the early 1990s, the Fourth Republic of Ghana has successfully completed multiple elections and party alternation. Due to its single-member-district-plurality electoral system, the country has functioned virtually as a two-party system, privileging its two major parties – the NDC and the NPP. However, close examination of election results in the last parliamentary and presidential elections reveals that notwithstanding the two-party tendency, there

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De Vault, James M. "California’s Citizen Redistricting Commission, Electoral Competitiveness and Political Polarization." Open Journal of Political Science 06, no. 04 (2016): 413–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ojps.2016.64036.

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Lekorwe, Mogopodi H. "The Role and Status of the Independent Electoral Commission." Journal of African elections 5, no. 2 (2006): 62–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.20940/jae/2006/v5i2a5.

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George Ayuune Akeliwira and Dr. Isaac Owusu-Mensah. "Manifestos and Voting Behavior in Third-Wave Democracies: Evidence from Ghana." PanAfrican Journal of Governance and Development (PJGD) 3, no. 2 (2022): 3–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.46404/panjogov.v3i2.3938.

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Custom to pluralistic societies in emergent democracies, political mythology holds that since Ghana's Fourth Republic's inception, electoral outcomes have been fundamentally determined by ethno-political identification and other social cleavages to political parties. However, despite the potential influence of party manifesto contents in determining electoral outcomes, very little is known about the value of party manifestos in shaping voting behavior in the history of elections in the Fourth Republic. This is unfortunate because such knowledge can inform both the academic study of electoral p

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