Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Tertullian'

The following thesis explores the social identities of TertuIIian, a Christian from Carthage who lived from approximately 160 to 220. After exploring the implications of calling TertuIIian an "African Theologian," the introduction interacts with the work done on TertuIIian in the past, concluding that although he was once read Euro-centrically and assumed to be a Roman, explicitly, and a European, implicitly, scholars in recent decades have deconstructed the biographical information of TertuIIian, leaving his African origin as one of the only undisputed aspects of his life. However, while scholars have located TertuIIian within the broader movements of the Roman Empire, few have explored the North African milieu in relation to Tertullian's writings. In order to contribute to this area of scholarship, theories from the discipline of Social Anthropology are accommodated and applied to selections of Tertullian's writings, thereby exploring Tertullian's construction of his own identities. The social theories applied, namely, social identity, kinship identity, class identity, ethnic identity and religious identity, are used heuristically to read the sources from Roman Africa in order to inquire as to the various identities constructed by individuals and groups. Within the social context of Roman Africa, this study establishes the categories of Roman colonizers, indigenous Africans and new elites. The third category, new elites, is actually meant to destabilize the other two, denying any "essential" Roman or African identity. Once the context has been framed, the thesis investigates samples from Tertullian's writings to compare his construction of his own identities and the identities of his rhetorical opponents. In order to interpret Tertullian's social identities, one chapter compares the identities Tertullian constructs in his works Apologeticum and Ad nationes. The similarity of these two tracts allows for an inquiry into TertuIIian's "Other" and the "Other" Tertullian constructs for his audiences. The subsequent chapter applies kinship theory in order to compare Tertullian's ideals with those of Roman kinship and early Christian kinship. Therein, the usual discussion of Tertullian's view of marriage is readdressed by comparing the kinship identities and ideals forwarded in his works Ad uxorem 1 and 2. Closely connected to Tertullian's kinship identity is that of his class identity, and, while his exact status and class may be elusive in historical terms, one can explore his socio-economic ingroup and outgroup as he portrays them in De cultu feminarum 1 and 2. Tertullian's ethnic identity is discussed in a chapter that interprets his works De uirginibus uelandis and De pallio, in which it is suggested that Tertullian establishes boundaries between his own ethnic group and that of Roman colonizers. The last form of identity discussed, religious identity, involves a reinterpretation of TertuIIian's use of the New Prophecy. Therein, Tertullian's religious "Other" is understood to be constructed with not only "psychic" rhetoric, but also with Roman imagery. The overall study finds Tertullian's identities to be manifold, complex and discursive. Additionally, his writings are understood to reflect antagonism towards Romans, including Christian Romans, and Romanized Africans. While TertuIIian accommodates much from (Graeco-)Roman literature, laws and customs, he nevertheless retains a strongly stated non-Roman-ness and an African-ity which have been almost entirely neglected in past studies, and it is this aspect, therefore, which is highlighted in the present thesis.

Feminist scholars have long assumed that Tertullian, a second-century Church Father, was a misogynist. This assumption is based almost exclusively on the infamous “Devil’s gateway” passage in the opening chapter of De cultu feminarum. However, feminist scholars have read this passage in isolation without reference to its wider context in De cultu feminarum and without considering other passages from Tertullian’s treatises. Furthermore, they have failed to recognize the influence which ancient rhetoric had on Tertullian’s work. By reading the “Devil’s gateway” passage in a wider context, and by engaging in a detailed analysis of Tertullian’s use of rhetoric, it becomes evident that Tertullian’s comments in that passage are not based on misogynistic view of women. Rather, they serve a specific rhetorical purpose in one particular treatise. Furthermore, by looking beyond the “Devil’s gateway” passage to other passages in which Tertullian makes reference to women, it is clear that his comments in the “Devil’s gateway” passage are not representative of his view of women. An examination of themes such as Mary, the anthropology of woman and woman’s role in the social order reveals a more nuanced picture of Tertullian’s view of women, than the one offered by some feminist scholars. By bringing together two areas - Tertullian’s use of rhetoric and feminist critique of Tertullian and of the Fathers in general - I will challenge the assumption that Tertullian was a misogynist and show that in some areas Tertullian can make a positive contribution to the feminist question.

This thesis provides the initial and foundational steps for a new reconstruction of the text of Marcion’s Gospel. Though Harnack’s 1924 magisterial work on Marcion remains valuable and important, shortcomings in his reconstructed text of the Marcionite scriptures, as well as advances in critical methodology, text criticism, and patristic studies have led to the recognition that new reconstructions of Marcion’s scriptures are a scholarly desideratum. With the text of Marcion’s Apostolikon examined and reconstructed in a 1995 work by Ulrich Schmid, this thesis provides the most important elements for a new examination and reconstruction of Marcion’s Euangelion. Chapter 1 provides an extensive history of research, not only to provide the context and rationale for the present work, but also to provide the first in-depth scholarly survey of work on Marcion’s Gospel in 150 years. In addition, since several flaws in earlier studies arose out of a lack of an accurate understanding of the status quaestionis at various points in the history of research on Marcion’s Gospel, by considering and engaging with previous scholarship such errors can be avoided. Chapter 2 begins with a consideration of the sources for Marcion’s Gospel and provides a comprehensive listing of verses attested as present in, verses attested as absent from, and unattested verses of this Gospel. The chapter concludes with a methodological discussion, highlighting the particular importance of understanding the citation customs of the witnesses to Marcion’s text and noting the significant citation customs of Tertullian demonstrated by Schmid’s and my own research. Chapter 3 begins the analysis of the data found in Tertullian, the most extensive and important source for Marcion’s Gospel. This chapter examines all of the verses that Tertullian attests for Marcion’s Gospel that are also cited elsewhere in Tertullian’s corpus and focuses particularly on how these multiply-cited passages provide insight into Tertullian’s testimony to readings in Marcion’s text. Chapter 4 continues the analysis of Tertullian’s testimony by examining the remaining verses, i.e., those attested for Marcion’s Gospel but not multiply-cited in Tertullian’s corpus. Chapter 5 provides a reconstruction of the 328 verses in Marcion’s Gospel for which Tertullian is the only witness and offers not only readings for Marcion’s text, but also the relative certainty for those readings. Chapter 6 summarizes and concludes the thesis, along with brief mention of avenues for future research.

This study examines the baptismal practices of the early Christian community using Tertullian’s ethical text on baptism in relation to his other writings to dialogue with the Roman Catholic understanding of baptism, original sin and grace. Tertullian referring to the sacramental form of baptism that is done with water, held that baptism is indispensable for salvation because it imparts the grace that washes away original sin and makes someone a Christian; and capable of attaining a matured Christian life. At the moment, the Roman Catholic Church does not confer baptism of water on polygamists, and subsequently fails to admit them to her sacramental life because of their polygamous relations. This raises a question regarding the salvation of these polygamous families. How do they receive baptismal grace and become part of the church? This study argues that church and baptism were inseparable right from the beginning of Christianity in the New Testament. People became members of the church by the fact of their baptism. This study does a hermeneutical retrieval of the early church’s teaching on baptism and original sin in the light of Tertullian as the pillar of western theology. The study concludes by invoking pastoral consideration to baptize polygamous families (husband and wives) who married before converting to the faith. They are not to enter into any new marriage after baptism since they have received Christ in their state. “Go and sin no more,” says Christ.
Dissertation (MA Theol)--University of Pretoria, 2014.
gm2014
Church History and Church Policy
unrestricted

In his book, Ancient Rhetoric and the Art of Tertullian, Robert Sider omitted any analysis of adversus Iudaeos because, as he stated elsewhere, the latter part of the treatise was an addition probably by someone other than Tertullian and taken from the third book of adversus Marcionem. Rather than accept that position unquestioningly this dissertation, inspired by Sider's methodology, provides an analysis of adversus Iudaeos according to the rules of classical rhetoric with regard to its structure (dispositio), its argument (inventio), and its style (elocutio). Particular attention is paid to the differences in rhetorical systems that are found in the writings of Aristotle, the anonymous author of Rhetorica ad Herennium, Cicero and Quintilian. The results of this analysis indicate that whoever wrote the first part of the treatise (chapters 1 to 8) made sufficient comment about the structure of the treatise to indicate that they planned to write on the topics that are found in the second part (chapters 9 to 14). This suggests that the treatise is the responsibility of one author. The argument of Saflund and Trankle that adversus Iudaeos was written prior not subsequent to adversus Marcionem are accepted as being valid. Repetition of material from one treatise to another does not imply the activity of some unidentified copyist any more than it does the idea that Tertullian found it convenient to re-use material himself from one work in another. The structure of the treatise as we have it now indicates that it remains in draft form as there are several passages that do seem out of place. Tertullian's argument rests mainly on making oratorical use of his interpretations of passages from the Hebrew Scriptures. On a number of occasions he displayed knowledge of arguments made by Irenaeus and Justin Martyr from some of those passages, yet on quite a few occasions the arguments and interpretations Tertullian derived from the Scriptures make their first appearance in Patristic literature in this treatise. The results of this analysis are used in the conclusion of the dissertation to advocate greater attention being paid to this treatise in studies of early Christian anti-Judaic literature. Although many scholars would argue that this treatise provides no information about relationships between Jews and Christians in Carthage at the end of the second century, the position advanced in this dissertation is that how and what one interpreted in the Hebrew Scriptures was the contemporary issue between Jews and Christians still, as it had been since the time of the first followers of Jesus.

Cette thèse comporte une édition critique, une traduction et un commentaire de l'Ad martyras, de l'Ad Scapulam et du De fuga in persecutione de Tertullien. Notre édition s’appuie sur une lecture à nouveaux frais des cinq manuscrits principaux transmettant ces textes, sur les éditions humanistes et modernes ainsi que sur les notes de travail d’éditeurs humanistes. Les trois textes évoquent, de trois points de vue différents, les persécutions. Dans l’Ad martyras, où Tertullien s’adresse à des chrétiens emprisonnés, la persécution apparaît comme une épreuve ; dans l’Ad Scapulam, adressé au proconsul de Carthage, il s’agit de détourner la persécution des chrétiens. Enfin, le De fuga in persecutione vise à encourager les chrétiens à s'y soumettre sans se laisser tenter par la fuite. Nous avons été attentives au discours que Tertullien construit à la fois ad extra pour détourner les autorités des persécutions antichrétiennes, et, ad intra, pour encourager les chrétiens dans l'épreuve
This dissertation consists in the critical edition, French translationand commentary of Tertullian’s Ad Martyras, Ad Scapulam and De fuga in persecutione. The edition is based on a new reading of five of the main manuscripts which contain the texts, on early and modern critical editions and on the readings of lost manuscripts given by humanist sources. The three texts deal with the antichristian persecutions. In the Ad martyras, where Tertullian writes to emprisoned Christians, persecution is seen as a trial ; in the Ad Scapulam, addressed to the Carthaginian proconsul, Tertullian intends to prevent him from persecuting Christians. At last, the treatise De fuga in persecutione encourages Christians to accept persecution even if they can flee it. We paid attention to the speech Tertullian elaborates both ad extra to deter Roman authorities from persecuting and ad intra to support Christians in trial

The entire thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file; a non-technical public abstract appears in the public.pdf file. Title from PDF of title page (University of Missouri--Columbia, viewed on March 23, 2010). Thesis advisor: Dr. Nathaniel DesRosiers. Includes bibliographical references.

This study traced Tertullian’s utilisation of history (or historical material) as a rhetorical instrument in one of his earliest works, the Ad Nationes. An in-depth analysis of the book identified this as a fundamental trajectory in the argument of Tertullian. The study casts a new perspective on the written work of this renowned Christian apologist and theologian. His use of history particularly to substantiate his arguments was compared with the contemporary primary sources, in order to assess the integrity or accuracy of his historical data. The prevailing rhetoric, as e.g. outlined by Quintilian, valued the message and intention of a text higher than the historical accuracy of the account. The same Quintilian, however, emphasized that historical accuracy would guarantee the message and intention of a text. The research concluded that Tertullian, who enjoyed a classical education and was therefore well acquainted with the rules of rhetoric, did pay sufficient attention to Quintilian’s insistence on historical accuracy in his utilisation of history. Tertullian was well aware of the significance of historical accuracy. On occasion he rightly criticised Tacitus (the famous historian) for historical inaccuracies in his work. In his Apologeticus (in which much of the Ad Nationes was reworked) he corrected some historical data. In the Ad Nationes he wrote a brilliant paragraph on the origin of rumours (fama) and also expressed his appreciation for careful investigation (in court procedures) in order to ascertain the truth (veritas) accurately. In the rhetorical utilisation of historical material, accurate historical knowledge did not play a crucial role. Of paramount importance was the intention and purpose of the immediate argument.
Thesis (MA (Latin))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2012

Esta pesquisa apresenta a primeira tradução do opúsculo Aduersus Valentinianos para a língua portuguesa, a partir do qual desenvolve uma análise de certos mecanismos persuasivos empregados por Tertuliano, o primeiro autor cristão latino, na legitimação e na consequente defesa da corrente proto-ortodoxa no seio do cristianismo, diante da expansão do valentinianismo no século III EC. Desta maneira, partindo do estudo de alguns preceitos retóricos clássicos, sobretudo de autores romanos, demonstra-se que o tratado analisado possui uma importância relevante no seio da literatura proto-ortodoxa, assim como, reflete a apropriação e adaptação das diretrizes discursivas clássicas pelos autores proto-ortodoxos do movimento cristão, dentre os quais se encontra Tertuliano.
This research presents the first translation of the booklet Aduersus Valentinianos into Portuguese, from which develops a analysis of certain persuasive mechanisms employed by Tertullian, the first Christian Latin author, in the legitimation and the subsequent defense of the proto-orthodox group within the Christianity, up against of the expansion of valentinianism in the third century CE. Thus, based on the study of some classical rhetoric precepts, particularly from Roman authors, demonstrates that the analyzed treatise has a great importance within the proto-orthodox literature, as well as reflects the appropriation and adaptation of classical discursive guidelines by the proto-orthodox authors of the Christian movement, among which we find Tertullian.

Les recherches récentes ont tenté une nouvelle approche du concept de " religions orientales", mis en relief par Franz Cumont dans Les religions orientales dans le paganisme romain. Tout au long de ce processus de déconstruction de l'idée des «religions orientales», on remarque l'absence d'une relecture approfondie des écrits chrétiens. Il est primordial de comprendre l'apport des sources chrétiennes dans l'établissement et l'élaboration de cette nouvelle perspective. La relecture des écrits de Tertullien est d'autant plus nécessaire qu'il a joué un rôle dans les théories établies par Cumont qui définissait le culte mithriaque comme le rival du christianisme. et les "cultes orientaux" deviennent sous sa plume le missing link entre paganisme et christianisme. Tertullien écrit à une époque charnière de l'histoire du christianisme : celle de la construction et de l'expression de l'identité chrétienne. Le polémiste a recours à Cybèle, aux dieux isiaques et à Mithra dans ses traités apologétiques et antihérétiques. Cette étude propose une relecture des lignes "orientales" de l'oeuvre de Tertullien à la lumière du contexte polémique, rhétorique et identitaire de ses traités. Pour mieux appréhender le rôle qu'il attribue à ses divinités, il est nécessaire de dépouiller ces passages, de démonter l'argumentation de Tertullien et de s'imprégner de la dialectique chrétienne pour saisir les rouages de la pensée de l'apologète. La construction binaire et antithétique de ses ouvrages nous permet d'évaluer la vision chrétienne des rapports religieux et de comprendre la place des dieux "orientaux" dans la définition chrétienne de l' "autre", en opposition à la nouvelle religio
Research attempts to conceptualize a new approach to the "religions orientales" advanced by Franz Cumont in his book Les religions orientales dans le paganisme romain. It is necessary to understand what the contribution of the study of Christian sources to the establishment and development of this new perspective and a redefinition of the so-Called oriental gods is. This re-Reading of Tertullian is necessary due to the role of Cumont's theories : the scholar defined the Mithraic cult as the rival of Christianity. The "oriental religions" in his writings represent the missing link between paganism and Christianity. Tertullian wrote during a turning point in Christian history when the identity of Christianity was being established. The polemicist often uses Cybele, the deities of the gens Isiac and Mithras in his apologetic and anti-Heretical treaties. This study proposes a re-Reading of the "oriental" in the works of the polemicist, taking into consideration the polemic and rhetoric and the concept of identity in his treaties. In order to understand the role reserved by the author for the deities that were so important to Cumont, it is necessary to analyse these passages, collect the controversial issues behind each citation of the Magna Mater, Isis and Mithras, and deconstruct the arguments of Tertullian, in the light of Christian dialectic to comprehend the workings of the apologist's mind. Similarly,the binary and antithetical construction of the works of Tertullian allow us to assess the Christian vision of religious relationship and understand the place of the so-Called Oriental gods in the Christian definition of the "other" in opposition to the new religio

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This study aims to analyze the subject from the sacrifice the issue of martyrdom, and in particular, as the construction and influence. Tertullian, this apologist African city of Carthage, which present as the largest and most influential Christian center in Africa, is presented as a critic and champion of African Christians, from his works Ad Martyras and Apologeticum objectives of this study. African Christianity has greatly developed during the transition period between the II and III century d. C., in Africa Romanized. The works in question are present in the moment of confrontation between the new religion, Christianity, and traditional religious expressions Roman paganism. This confrontation is the persecution of Christians, the latter having a role in the emergence force and expansion of the Christian martyrs during the reign of the Roman Empire in Africa.
O presente trabalho visa analisar a partir do tema sacrifício a questão martirial, e em especial, como se da sua construção e influência. Tertuliano, este apologista africano da cidade de Cartago, que se apresenta enquanto o maior e o mais influente centro cristao da África, se apresenta enquanto um crítico e defensor dos cristãos africanos, especialmente a partir de suas obras Apologeticum e Ad Martyras objetos deste trabalho. O cristianismo africano tem grande desenvolvimento no período de transicão entre o II e o III Séc. d. C., na Africa romanizada. As obras em questão se apresentam dentro do momento de confronto entre a nova religião, o cristianismo, e as tradicionais expressoes religiosas romanas, o paganismo. Deste confronto surgirá as perseguições aos cristãos, tendo estas um papel fundamental no surgimento, fortalecimento e expansão dos mártires cristãos durante o domínio do Império Romano na África.

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Esta tese apresenta o apologista Tertuliano de Cartago e seu projeto, que busca defender o cristianismo diante das arbitrariedades do Império Romano e sua consequente e injusta perseguição. O principal tema desta pesquisa é o martírio e tem como principal objeto os textos arrolados de Tertuliano. O presente trabalho tem como objetivo e problemática principal demonstrar a importância do martírio no cristianismo africano durante o período imperial romano e sua função na construção de um projeto identitário para o cristianismo. É nesse momento que se tem na região africana do Império as condições que favoreceram o crescimento do incipiente movimento cristão que buscava se afirmar na África romanizada. Dentre a vasta obra do autor, em que se apresenta o seu posicionamento político favorável aos cristãos, várias destas obras se destacam, são elas Apologeticum, Ad Martyras, Scorpiace, Ad Scapulam. Para tanto, esta pesquisa está estruturada em três capítulos. No primeiro capítulo, busca-se identificar como se apresenta o cristianismo na transição do segundo para o terceiro século d.C., destacando-se o domínio de Roma sobre a África. No segundo capítulo, analisa-se o martírio e suas características e perspectivas dentre as quais se identifica o papel das perseguições como fundamentais neste processo. Chamam a atenção para o sacrifício como representação identitária e a conformação da memória cristã martirial a partir da literatura cristã latina, enquanto ponto fundamental e simbólico do momento martirial. Já no terceiro capítulo, esta postura martirial cristã é vista como consolidadora do movimento cristão na África. Ao se ter em vista que os mártires se tornem exemplum de fé e compromisso para com o evangelho, percebe-se que o sacrifício cristão, a partir do martírio, se afirma enquanto projeto identitário deste cristianismo africano latino-romano.

Thesis (MTh)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Through the eyes of the Catholic Church, one usually looks at Montanism as a second-century heretical sect. This prevailed orthodox view has devalued the Catholic Tertullian as a schismatic when he had accepted Montanism as his theological verification. The recent scholarship, however, has challenged that Tertullian’s transition to Montanism had not necessarily resulted from his theological conclusion. Rather this suggests that Tertullian, from the very beginning, was much more sympathetic to the new prophets than to the Catholic priests; the Montanist Tertullian had always taken precedence over the Catholic Tertullian. Given this new perspective, the thesis is developed as follows; Chapter 1, the topic and title are introduced with four critical research questions; (1) Why were the original Montanists condemned? (2) Why did Tertullian become a Montanist? (3) Why does Montanism exclude the present day Pentecostalism as Neo- Montanism? (4) Why does Montanism include the present day Pentecostalism as Neo- Montanism? Here particular interest is Tertullian’s intermediate position; as a point of contact, Tertullian stands not only between the Montanists and the Catholics, but also between the original Montanists and the present day Pentecostals as Neo-Montanism. Chapter 2 seeks to find an answer to the first research question of “Why were the original Montanists condemned?” Then, the researcher focuses on the root cause of the original condemnation of Montanism in three aspects. (1) Montanism was condemned as the victim of the institutionalization of the church, (2) Montanism was condemned as the pagan inspiration including controversial manifestations, such as ecstatic prophecy (and speaking in tongues), fanatical millenarianism, and strict puritanism, and (3) Montanism was condemned as the power struggle between the urban and rural church leadership. The point is that these three reasons are interrelated as a whole and, not as a separate entity. Yet, the conflict in the church regarding church government had taken the lead in the original condemnation of Montanism. The victory of urban church leadership had justified the victimization of the Montanists, the representative of the rural leadership. Chapter 3, the thesis has dealt with the second question; “Why did Tertullian become a Montanist?” The researcher acknowledges of the uneasy connection between the apologist Tertullian and the Montanist Tertullian. Yet, if Montanism was accused of its political conflict, not of its theological deviances, the relationship of Tertullian with Montanism needs to be reconsidered. Then, the researcher tries to vindicate Tertullian’s position through two methodological approaches. First, the researcher reconstructs the new image of Tertullian as the lay leader born into Montanism by deconstructing the conventional portrayal of Tertullian; (1) as the son of an officer of the Roman army, (2) as the professional Jurist, (3) as the Catholic priest at Carthage, and (4) as the schismatic. Second, the researcher also takes into account of Tertullian’s identity in the concept of the transitional correlation. By applying Tertullian’s transitional period as the Pagan-Catholic-Montanist to the concentric circles of concern, the previous view of Tertullian can be transformed into the new formula of Pagan as caterpillar- Catholic as cocoon-Montanist as butterfly. This three-fold structure then opens the way for a newborn image of Tertullian. Chapter 4 is dealing with the relationship between Montanism, the Montanist Tertullian, and the present-day Pentecostalism in order to answer the final question; “Why does Montanism include/exclude the present-day Pentecostalism as Neo-Montanism?” Tertullian’s Montanism, like a hinge, closely interconnects the present-day Pentecostalism to the original Montanism in historical, theological and ecclesiological sense of the word. First, the first generation of Pentecostals, regardless of whether they are the proponents of the Azusa Street or Topeka revival, they find their historical identity in the first generation of the apostolic church and this includes the second-century Montanists and the Montanist Tertullian. Second, from the theological point of view, the Montanist distinctive theological fashions, such as ecstatic prophecy, speaking in tongues, and the impending eschatological hope, has clearly re-echoed in the diadem of the current Pentecostal theology.. Third, the original Montanists and the present-day Pentecostals are both ecclesiologically the strong advocates of the pneumatological theocracy. For both, the priority is to return to the apostolic primitive church.. So, the current Pentecostals is convinced that they trace their root from the second-century spirit-filled Montanists. Chapter 5 summarizes the relationship between Montanism, the Montanist Tertullian, and the present day Pentecostalism by answering to the following four research questions; (1) “Why were the original Montanists condemned?” The answer is the ecclesiastical power struggle between the urban and rural leadership made the Montanist crisis a highly politically charged affair rather than a theologically controversial issue. (2) “Why did Tertullian become a Montanist?” The answer is Tertullian, as natural born Montanist, is determined to be a self-sacrificing mediator in order to bring reconciliation between the two rivals, namely, the city-priest and the countryside prophets. (3) “Why does Montanism include/exclude the present-day Pentecostalism as Neo- Montanism?” The answer is Montanism is the antecedent of the present-day Pentecostalism.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In die oë van die Rooms Katolieke Kerk is Montanisme niks anders nie as ʼn tweede-eeuse ketterse sekte. Hierdie ortodokse seining het die Katolieke Tertullianus as skismatikus gedevalueer, in besonders toe hy Montanisme as sy teologiese standpuntname aanvaar het. Deesdae is geleerdes van mening dat Tertullianus se oorgang na Montanisme is nie noodwendig die gevolg van sy teologiese stellingname nie. Dit suggereer eerder dat Tertullianus van die begin af, meer simpatiekgesind teenoor die nuwe profete as teenoor die Katolieke priesters was. Dit blyk dat die Montanus Tertullianus altyd voorkeur bo die Katolieke Tertullianus gekry het. Gegewe hierdie perspektief, het die tesis soos volg ontwikkel: Hoofstuk 1, die onderwerp en titel word ingelei met vier kritiese navorsing vrae; (1) Hoekom was die oorspronklike Montanisme veroordeel? (2) Hoekom het Tertullianus 'n Montanus geword? (3) Hoekom sluit Montanisme die hedendaagse Pentekostalisme Neo -Montanisme uit? (4) Hoekom sluit Montanisme die hedendaagse Pentekostalisme Neo-Montanisme in? Hier is veral van belang Tertullianus se intermediêre posisie as 'n punt van kontak. Tertullianus staan nie net tussen die Montanisme en die Katolieke nie, maar staan ook tussen die oorspronklike Montanisme en die hedendaagse Pentekostalisme as Neo-Montanisme. Hoofstuk 2 beoog om 'n antwoord op die eerste navorsingsvraag te vind: “Hoekom is die oorspronklike Montanisme veroordeel?" Die navorser het vervolgens drie aspekte wat betrekking het op die oorsaak van die oorspronklike veroordeling van Montanisme gefokus. (1) Montanisme was veroordeel as die slagoffer van die institusionalisering van die kerk, (2) die Montanisme was veroordeel as ʼn heidense inspirasie, byvoorbeeld die omstrede manifestasies: soos in ekstase, profesie (spreek in tale), fanatiese millennialisme, en streng Puritanisme, en (3) Montanisme was veroordeel as die stryd tussen leierskap in die stedelike en plattelandse kerk. Hierdie drie redes is interafhanklik van mekaar as 'n geheel en is dus nie 'n aparte entiteit nie. Die oorwinning van die stedelike kerk leierskap die veroordeling van die Montanisme, wat die landelike leierskap verteenwoordig het, geregverdig. Hoofstuk 3 handel oor die tweede vraag, "Hoekom het Tertullianus ʼn Montanus geword?" Die navorser erken die ongemaklike verband tussen die apologeet Tertullianus en die Montanus Tertullianus. Tog, as Montanisme daarvan beskuldig word van politieke konflik en nie van teologiese afwykings nie, dan behoort die verhouding van Tertullianus met Montanisme in heroorweging geneem te word. Die navorser het Tertullianus se posisie deur middel van twee metodologiese benaderings probeer verdedig. Eerstens, het die navorser die nuwe beeld van Tertullianus gerekonstrueer as leke leier wat in die tydperk van Montanisme gebore deur die konvensionele uitbeelding van Tertullianus te dekonstrueer; (1) as die seun van die Romeinse offisier, (2) as die professionele regsgeleerde, (3) as die Katolieke priester van Kartago, en (4) as die skismatikus. Tweedens, die navorser het ook Tertullianus se identiteit insake die konsep van die oorgang korrelasie in ag geneem. Deur Tertullianus se oorgang as die Heiden – Katolieke – Montanus in konsentriese sirkels aan te dui, kan die vorige siening van Tertullianus omskep word in die nuwe formule van die ruspe Katoliek – kokon – Montanus na vlinder. Hierdie drieledige struktuur baan die weg vir 'n nuwe beeld van Tertullianus. Hoofstuk 4 hanteer die verhouding tussen die Montanisme, die Montanus Tertullianus en die hedendaagse Pentekostalisme om sodoende die laaste twee vrae te beantwoord: "Hoekom is Montanisme in/uit gesluit in die hedendaagse Pentekostalisme as Neo-Montanisme?" Tertullianus se Montanisme, soos 'n skarnier, verbind die hedendaagse Pentekostalisme aan die oorspronklike Montanisme in historiese, teologiese en ekklesiologiese sin van die woord met mekaar. Eerstens, die eerste generasie van Pentekostalisme, ongeag of hulle voorstanders van die Azusa Straat herlewing of die Topeka herlewing is, vind hulle hul historiese identiteit in die eerste generasie van die apostoliese kerk en dit sluit in die tweede-eeuse Montanisme asook die Montanus Tertullianus. Tweedens, uit ʼn teologiese vertrekpunt, die Montanus se eiesoortige teologiese modes: soos in ekstase, profesie, spreek in tale, en die eskatologiese hoop, eggo duidelik die hedendaagse Pinkster teologie. Derdens, die oorspronklike montanisme en hedendaagse Pentekostalisme is beide ekklesiologies sterk voorstanders van die Pneumatologiese teokrasie. Vir beide van hulle is dit die prioriteit om na die primitiewe apostoliese kerk terug te keer. So, is die hedendaagse Pentekostalisme is daarvan oortuig dat hul, hul ontstaan kan terugspoor van die tweede-eeuse geesvervulde Montaniste. Hoofstuk 5 som die verhouding tussen die Montanisme, die Montanus Tertullianus en die hedendaagse Pentekostalisme op en beantwoord die volgende vier navorsingsvrae; (1) Hoekom was die oorspronklike Montaniste veroordeel? Die antwoord lê daarin opgesluit dat die kerklike magstryd tussen die stedelike en landelike leierskap het Montanisme ʼn hoogs polities gelaaide aangeleentheid gemaak eerder as 'n teologies omstrede kwessie. (2) Hoekom het Tertullianus 'n Montanus geword? Tertullianus, as gebore Montanus, was vasbeslote om 'n selfopofferende bemiddelaar te wees om sodoende versoening te bring tussen die twee opponerende groepe, naamlik, die stedelike – priester en die plattelandse profete. (3) Hoekom sluit Montanisme die hedendaagse Pentekostalisme Neo -Montanisme uit? (4) Hoekom sluit Montanisme die hedendaagse Pentekostalisme Neo -Montanisme in? Montanisme is die voorloper van die hedendaagse Pentekostalisme.

La fin du second siècle voit la naissance et le développement en Afrique romaine d'une importante communauté chrétienne résidant nota¬mment à Carthage. Parallèlement, un nouveau courant intell¬ectuel et littéraire prend son essor autour de nombreux écrivains, dont Tertullien (155-225 ?) serait le précurseur. En effet, cet auteur d'origine africaine est considéré comme le premier auteur latin chrétien, et il s'intègre dans un vaste mouvement de défense de la foi chrétienne appelé apolo¬gétique. Jusqu'à cette date, le christianisme, en tant que nouveau courant religieux, s'était écrit, pensé en grec. Avec Tertullien, qui est un converti, la religion chrétienne s'énonce désormais en latin, et progres-sivement se met en place une littérature dite patristique autour de Lactance, Cyprien ou Augustin. Ainsi, le christianisme connaît un chan¬gement culturel majeur, avec l'apparition d'un latin dit chrétien. La vie et la chronologie des œuvres de Tertullien nous sont mal connues, et il est difficile de dresser un portrait de l'homme et de ses écrits. Cependant, les spécialistes ont depuis le XIXe siècle classé ses trente et un traités en deux grandes périodes : tout d'abord, un ensemble de traités « catholiques » (197-208), puis des écrits plus ou moins influencés par l'hérésie montaniste (jusqu'en 220 environ). La période dite « catholique » sert de cadre d'étude à ce travail de recherches, qui se propose d'analyser les logiques d'un discours polé-mique chrétien. De par sa formation (avocat, jurisconsulte), ce Père de l'Église a eu recours au droit romain pour énoncer la foi chrétienne et ses règles. Il se situe au centre d'un processus de normalisation du discours chrétien, avec une transposition de certains concepts issus du droit romain dans le champ du christianisme. La première partie consiste à étudier, grâce à l'outil informatique et à des études quantitatives et sérielles, les logiques globales du discours polémique de Tertullien. Au moyen de la méthode dite de l'index thématique, nous avons porté notre regard sur les dénominations du chrétien en tant qu'individu (ou en tant que groupe d'individus) et du christianisme. Ce discours montre tout d'abord des spécificités propres, comme par exemple une logique atemporelle ou une construction identitaire très forte. La seconde partie analyse cette logique identitaire propre aux chrétiens et à leurs communautés. L'étude des noms propres relevés dans la linéarité du texte montre l'importance que Tertullien donne au milieu paulinien, et son discours est fortement imprégné par la Bible, notamment le Nouveau Testament. Les Écritures sont considérées comme une Vérité révélée, dans laquelle Paul de Tarse exerce une influence théologique et disciplinaire considérable. L'Église, en tant que communauté et institution nouvelles, est décrite dans une dimension eschatologique et philosophique, puisqu'elle se situe dans une perspective de la fin des temps annoncée dans l'Apocalypse de Jean. Tertullien met aussi en avant le fait que les chrétiens forment une communauté, avec comme élément fédérateur le « nom chrétien » (nomen christiani). Ses écrits reposent donc sur une logique identitaire et collective, dans laquelle la communauté prime sur l'individu. La troisième partie s'attache aux termes issus du droit romain, mais transposés dans le champ du christianisme. Tout d'abord, la foi chrétienne (fides) est vue comme un contrat entre Dieu et le chrétien ; celui-ci devenant désormais un fidèle. Cette foi fait qu'un lien de dépen¬dance spirituelle s'établit entre les deux parties, avec l'emploi d'un vocabulaire métaphorique issu de l'esclavage. Les fidèles forment une communauté fraternelle, autour d'un nouveau modèle familial et matrimonial, dans lequel dominent l'asexualité, la chasteté et la continence. Ainsi, le mariage n'a pas de fonction liée à la reproduction, mais il repose sur une logique eschato-logique. L'ensemble de ces écrits répondent à des besoins disciplinaires et se présentent souvent comme une casuistique. La dernière sous partie analyse le lexique issu du droit public et de la procédure judiciaire pour poser des éléments de réflexion sur l'existence légale du christianisme, et sur la construction progressive d'une double citoyenneté chrétienne (qui est fondamentale pour com-prendre la situation des chrétiens dans un Empire multiculturel). Durant cette période, le christianisme connaît un rejet de la part de l'État romain. Cette « haine » se manifeste parfois par des persécutions, source du développement du phénomène martyrial. La figure du martyr est décrite comme un idéal, celui du « Juste », pour atteindre la « Cité de Dieu » et le salut.

L'étude est divisée en deux parties : dans la première qui correspond à l'axe synchronique, est étudiée l'opinion des pères sur la vie d'Abraham ; il est un modèle, contesté par Tertullien mais défendu pour ses vertus par Ambroise. Il est évoqué ensuite dans différentes polémiques des premiers siècles, à propos de la circoncision, de la théophanie de Mambré et des diverses polémiques d'Augustin contre les manichéens, les donatistes et les pélagiens. La deuxième partie envisage le patriarche sous l'axe diachronique ou historique. Augustin étudie la chronologie et le situe dans l'histoire universelle. En rapport avec l'histoire du salut sont examinées ensuite sa foi qu'il montre en de nombreuses occasions et tout particulièrement en acceptant de sacrifier sonn fils Isaac - ses relations avec le Christ, tout particulièrement sous l'angle de la typologie, car un certain nombre de figures annoncent sa venue, comme Issac. Sara préfigure l'Eglise
The study is divided in two, parts : first part : Abraham was considered as a christian model, contested by Tertullian, but admired for his virtus by Ambrose. His life supplied arguments about circumcision and the theophany of Mambré which caused a great controversy during the first centures. Abraham was named whenever Augustine attacked the heretics and the shismatics. Second part : Augustine drew up the chronology of Abraham'life and compared it to general history. The church fathers study it to in the history of salvatic mainkind, that is to say they explained his faith which showed itself on several occasion throughout his life ; particularly when he was about to sacrifice his son, Isaac, and when he accepted god's promises. The fathers spoke of his faith in Christ of whom he was the prophet. Isaac himself foreshdwed Christ and Sara foreshadowed the Church

In his book, Ancient Rhetoric and the Art of Tertullian, Robert Sider omitted any analysis of adversus Iudaeos because, as he stated elsewhere, the latter part of the treatise was an addition probably by someone other than Tertullian and taken from the third book of adversus Marcionem. Rather than accept that position unquestioningly this dissertation, inspired by Sider's methodology, provides an analysis of adversus Iudaeos according to the rules of classical rhetoric with regard to its structure (dispositio), its argument (inventio), and its style (elocutio). Particular attention is paid to the differences in rhetorical systems that are found in the writings of Aristotle, the anonymous author of Rhetorica ad Herennium, Cicero and Quintilian. The results of this analysis indicate that whoever wrote the first part of the treatise (chapters 1 to 8) made sufficient comment about the structure of the treatise to indicate that they planned to write on the topics that are found in the second part (chapters 9 to 14). This suggests that the treatise is the responsibility of one author. The argument of Saflund and Trankle that adversus Iudaeos was written prior not subsequent to adversus Marcionem are accepted as being valid. Repetition of material from one treatise to another does not imply the activity of some unidentified copyist any more than it does the idea that Tertullian found it convenient to re-use material himself from one work in another. The structure of the treatise as we have it now indicates that it remains in draft form as there are several passages that do seem out of place. Tertullian's argument rests mainly on making oratorical use of his interpretations of passages from the Hebrew Scriptures.;On a number of occasions he displayed knowledge of arguments made by Irenaeus and Justin Martyr from some of those passages, yet on quite a few occasions the arguments and interpretations Tertullian derived from the Scriptures make their first appearance in Patristic literature in this treatise. The results of this analysis are used in the conclusion of the dissertation to advocate greater attention being paid to this treatise in studies of early Christian anti-Judaic literature. Although many scholars would argue that this treatise provides no information about relationships between Jews and Christians in Carthage at the end of the second century, the position advanced in this dissertation is that how and what one interpreted in the Hebrew Scriptures was the contemporary issue between Jews and Christians still, as it had been since the time of the first followers of Jesus.

'The blood of the Christians is the seed'. This aphorism regarding the 'seed' of the Church is probably Tertullian's most memorable assertion regarding death. However, it would be misleading, indeed dangerously simplistic to confine his reflections on death to the theme of 'bearing witness'. The thesis seeks to demonstrate the complexity of Tertullian's reflections on death. Taking as its point of departure the physical phenomenon itself, the thesis explores, in turn, the six most prominent themes within the Tertullianic understanding of death. The said themes are death as a physical phenomenon, death as the imitation of Christ, death as a teaching medium, death as the culmination of man's conflict with the powers of evil, death as the ultimate sacrifice and death as the gateway to the hereafter. Did Tertullian regard death as 'natural'? Did he formulate a 'scientific' theory of death and putrefaction? Can a vision of discipleship which primarily focusses upon the motifs of 'indebtedness' and 'enslavement' be characterised as a genuine expression of 'imitatio Christi'? Did Tertullian regard the shedding of blood as a symbol of 'life' given over to death or did he simply regard it as a symbol of 'death' and 'violence'? Was his concept of martyrdom modified by his memories of the sacrificial demands of the Romano-Punic deities, Ba'al Hammon/Saturn and Tanit/Caelestis? These are but a few of the questions addressed by the thesis.

Devant porter le message évangélique aux Nations, les philosophes chrétiens de l'Antiquité découvrent un "monstre" sur leur chemin : l'épicurisme. Professant "l'universelle matérialité", les épicuriens récusent toute intervention divine dans l'oeuvre de la création et estiment que le monde "s'est fait" grâce au jeu combinatoire des atomes. A en croire ces philosophes, l'idée religieuse de la providence s'explique par l'ignorance des causes premières. La réplique des philosophes chrétiens : selon eux, les épicuriens reconnaissent pourtant l'existence des dieux ou de Dieu, mais qui récusent la providence, pratiquent habilement l'art de l'hypocrisie et s'enferment dans la contradiction. Ils tiendraient d'ailleurs cela de ce fourbe d'Epicure, ce sot et ce menteur qui n'aurait voulu créer que du sensationnel. . . L'essence humaine s'accomplit, non dans l'adulation du plaisir comme le prétendent les épicuriens, mais dans la religion qui évite à celle-ci de se pervertir dans la bestialité. La création ex-nihilo, conception radicalement opposée à la pensée pai͏̈enne dans sa nouvelle formulation proposée par les philosophes chrétiens, démontre la bienveillance divine à l'égard de l'homme. Car Dieu ne peut être que provident. Mais la rencontre de ces deux modes de pensée pouvait-elle se faire sans donner lieu à une polémique ?

Le présent mémoire propose d’examiner, d’une façon approfondie et innovatrice, le rapport entre les chrétiens et Marc-Aurèle à travers une analyse complète des sources à disposition, notamment celles historico-littéraires, épigraphiques, numismatiques et législatives. En particulier, l’on démontrera l’absence de fondement de l’image faite a posteriori de Marc-Aurèle en tant que protector christianorum dont le premier témoin, d'après nos connaissances, est Tertullien. L’on montrera, par le biais d’une analyse législative des sources à notre disposition qu’à l’époque de Marc-Aurèle il n’y avait aucune loi qui protégeait les chrétiens. Bien au contraire, les dispositions de Trajan étaient toujours valides. Par la suite, nous chercherons à trouver les véritables raisons de la politique de Marc-Aurèle envers les chrétiens à travers la comparaison entre la pensée médio-platonicienne de Justin et celle stoïcienne du princeps. L’interprétation philosophique de l’attitude à montrer face à la mort, nous donnera une clef de lecture pour pénétrer les raisons les plus profondes des violences et des procès que les chrétiens ont subis au cours de son principat
This work aims to provide an original and thorough exploration of the relationship between Marcus Aurelius and the Christians by means of an in-depth analysis of the available historical, literary, epigraphic, numismatic, and legal sources. Specifically, it will show that the a posteriori view of Marcus Aurelius as protector Christianorum, apparently introduced by Tertullian, is unfounded. In support of this argument, a legal analysis of the available sources will show that, far from enjoying legal protection during the Principality of Marcus Aurelius, Christians were still subject to Trajan’s laws. The true reasons underlying the policy of Marcus Aurelius towards the Christians will be investigated by comparing the Middle Platonism of Justin Martyr with the stoic meditations of the princeps. In particular, the philosophical interpretation of the attitude deemed suitable in the face of death will provide an insight into the reasons that led to the wave of violence and to the trials of Christians under Marcus Aurelius’ rule

Ce travail de recherche est une généalogie de la notion de " désir sexuel " telle qu'elle fut conçue dans le christianisme antique du IIIe au Ve siècle. À partir de la distinction entre deux anthropologies concurrentes, nous cherchons à reconstituer les modalités selon lesquelles ce désir a été pensé comme une pulsion irrésistible. Nous nous inscrivons donc dans la tradition des études de genre puisque nous posons la question de savoir s'il existe, au fondement des catégorisations sociales et des modes de légitimation du pouvoir, une forme de naturalité irréductible. Notre objectif est de mettre en évidence, d'une part, en quoi l'idée de désir naturel est une forme de problématisation contingente du désir sexuel et, d'autre, part, les conséquences de cette façon de penser. Entre le IIIe et le Ve siècle, les auteurs chrétiens s'opposent en ce qui concerne la question des capacités humaines. Pour les " perfectionnistes ", l'homme est capable d'accéder par ses propres forces à la perfection. Par conséquent, le " monde " est pensé par eux comme un ensemble de liens qui entravent l'itinéraire spirituel du sujet. La solitude du " désert " apparaît alors dans ce cadre problématique comme un moyen d'accéder à la liberté. Au contraire, pour les " défaillantistes ", l'homme est par nature infirme, si bien que la perfection est conçue non plus comme ce à quoi il peut lui-même accéder, mais comme un don de Dieu. En soulignant que l'homme n'est pas le maître dans sa propre maison puisqu'il ne peut maîtriser sa libido, Augustin montre que sa libération n'est envisageable qu'au prix de sa soumission à des institutions coercitives ayant pour fonction de compenser sa faiblesse. Proposant une forme originale de problématisation de la nature humaine en naturalisant la pulsion sexuelle, le défaillantisme chrétien permet donc de justifier la soumission des hommes. En faisant la généalogie du désir sexuel, ce travail s'emploie à montrer que la liberté ne requiert pas seulement une critique de l'idée de répression, mais une remise en cause plus fondamentale du modèle naturaliste de la pulsion.

Cette thèse analyse le phénomène de la christianisation de Sénèque dans les écrits des Pères latins, Tertullien, Minucius Felix, Cyprien et Lactance. Elle met en lumière les recours que ces théologiens font aux concepts stoïco-sénèquiens et l'altération de la pensée de Sénèque arrachée à la cohérence d'un système philosophique pour être implantée dans une religion en voie d'élaboration intellectuelle. La méthode employée est dictée par l'usage que ces Pères font du philosophe. Tertullien et Lactance le citent : les citations sont les points de départ d'une étude comparative : Minucius Felix et Cyprien ne font pas référence à lui : des rapprochements littéraux et thématiques sont effectués. Sont mis en parallèle chez Tertullien et Sénèque la critique de la superstition, la pratique de la patience, l'eschatologie, la théologie. D'où l'interrogation sur la validité du Seneca saepe noster. L'humilité chrétienne méconnue par Tertullien est faussement attribuée à Sénèque. Le crypto-stoïcisme du Père est découvert dans ses développements sur la connaissance naturelle de dieu, le logos, la loi naturelle. Minucius Felix calque une apologie du martyre sur la description sénéquienne du sage souffrant et use pour réfuter le réquisitoire païen contre le christianisme d'une argumentation empruntée au philosophe sans subir l'influence de sa pensée. Cyprien recueille chez Sénèque des thèmes moraux et des analyses sociologiques. Une étude du contexte de l'insertion des nombreux fragments sénéquiens dans l'œuvre de Lactance et des interprétations qu'en donne ce Père dévoile la christianisation du philosophe : le dieu de Sénèque acquiert des caractères chrétiens (unicité, nature, agénésie, puissance d'un créateur ex nihilo, juge et garde de la conscience) et l'immortalité devient récompense de la vertu. Lactance affirme l'irascibilité divine en utilisant le De ira de Sénèque. Christianisé, le philosophe est dans l'histoire signe de l'irréductibilité du christianisme au stoïcisme
This thesis analyses the phenomenon of Seneca’s Christianization through the works of the Latin fathers, Tertullian, Minucius Felix, Cyprian and Lactance. It throws light on the recourses these theologians have to Seneca’s stoical concepts and on the alteration of Seneca’s thought, pulled out of a coherent philosophical system, to be implanted in a religion in process of intellectual elaboration. The method, which is chosen, is dictated by the way these fathers make use of the philosopher. Tertullian and Lactance quote him : these quotations are the beginning of a comparative study ; Minucius Felix and Cyprian don't refer to him : literal and thematic comparisons are drawn. In Tertullian and Seneca’s works, the criticism of superstition, the use of patience, eschatology and theology are compared ; which raises the question about the validity of Seneca saepe noster. Christian humility, ignored by Tertullian, is wrongly attributed to Seneca. The father's crypto-stoicism appears in his developments on the natural knowledge of god, the logos, natural law. Minucius Felix traces an apology of martyrdom from Seneca’s description of the suffering wise man and, to refute the pagan charge against Christianity, he uses an argumentation taken from the philosopher, without being influenced by his thought. Cyprian collects moral themes and sociological analyses in Seneca’s works. A study of the context of the insertions of Seneca’s numerous fragments in Lactance's works and of the father's interpretation of them, reveals the philosopher's Christianization : Seneca’s god acquires Christian features (uniqueness, nature, agnesis, the power of an ex-nihilo creator, the judge and the guardian of conscience) and immortality becomes the reward for virtue. Lactance asserts god's irascibility by using Seneca’s De ira. Once Christianized, the philosopher is, in history, the sign of the irreducibility of Christianity to stoicism

L'unanimitas, terme appartenant au vocabulaire chrétien, exprime mieux que tout autre la communion des saints dans l'Occident de l'Antiquité tardive ; communio sanctorum reste en effet une expression rare qui n'apparaît qu'à la fin du IVème siècle sous la plume de Nicétas de Remesiana. Pour certains convertis prestigieux, l'unanimitas devient plus qu'une qualité nécessaire pour entretenir une relation amicale : c'est un véritable désir fusionnel qu'on retrouve non seulement entre deux personnes éloignées physiquement, mais également entre des vivants et ceux qu'une mort, glorieuse ou non, place dans un au-delà peu accessible. L'unanimitas n'est possible qu'entre chrétiens qui l'expérimentent lors de chaque eucharistie ou au cœur de la prière. Ferment d'union de l'Église, elle est au centre de toute vie communautaire, de la famille à la cité et des cercles d'amis aux monastères. Elle donne enfin naissance à un certain nombre de pratiques sociales ou en justifie certaines comme le culte des saints, impossible à comprendre sans cette référence métaphysique puisqu'elle unit aussi le fidèle à son Dieu
Unanimitas, a phrase pertaining to the Christian terminology, best expresses the communion of saints in the Western part of the late Antiquity; indeed, communio sanctorum remains a rare expression that only appeared by the end of the fourth century in the writings of Nicetas of Remesiana. For some renowned converts, unanimitas became more than just a quality deemed necessary to keep a friendly relationship: it is a genuine desire for fusion that can be found between two persons who are physically remote from each other, but also between living people and others that death, be it glorious or not, has placed in a hereafter that is difficult to reach. Unanimitas can only be achieved between Christians who experience it whenever they receive the Eucharist, or within the course of prayer. A binding leaven of the Church, it is at the core of all community life, from the family to the city and from circles of friends to monasteries. Furthermore, it breeds social practices, or justifies them, such as the celebration of saints, which cannot be comprehended without this particular metaphysical reference, as it also unites the faithful to his God

Le De ieiuniis aduersus psychicos est un des derniers écrits de Tertullien, marqué par son rapprochement avec la secte de Montan. Ce traité, dont il ne reste aucune trace manuscrite, excepté quelques rares témoins patristiques et médiévaux, s’articule autour d’un double objectif : le premier est orienté vers une défense de la pratique du jeûne, en particulier de la xérophagie et de la station, dont l’ancienneté, est garantie par les multiples exemples tirés de l’Ancien et du Nouveau Testament, en vue de justifier le grief de nouveauté lancé par les psychiques. Le second se cache derrière le style polémique et la rhétorique subtile d’une argumentation précise et efficace : le jeûne est le premier instrument du salut donné par Dieu à l’homme afin de recouvrer la grâce perdue au moment du péché originel qui est un péché de gourmandise. Le jeûne s’inscrit donc dans le cadre d’une réflexion à la fois sotériologique puisque l’homme doit tout mettre en œuvre pour se réconcilier avec Dieu et eschatologique puisqu’il se prépare ainsi à affronter les puissances de la chair et les persécutions des derniers temps. Au lieu de la formule « mangeons et buvons, car demain nous mourons », Tertullien en propose une autre : « jeûnons, car demain nous mourons » (Iei. 17, 5). L’originalité de ce traité, très souvent mal compris, ne réside pas tant dans la polémique formelle qui le motive que dans la double information qu’il donne : il s’agit d’un texte capital dans l’histoire des pratiques alimentaires et religieuses de la société romaine de Carthage au début du IIIe siècle ap. J. -C ; il s’impose également dans l’histoire littéraire et mystique de l’Église, par l’originalité de son auteur
De ieiuniis aduersus psychicos is one of last papers of Tertullian, marked by his link with the sect of Montan. This treaty, of which there are no more handwritten records, except from some rare patristics and medieval witnesses, articulates around a double objective : the first one is directed to a defense of the practice of fasting, in particular the xerophagy and the station, from which the antiquity is guaranteed by the multiple examples taken from the Ancient and the New Testament to justify the grievances of novelty thrown by psychics. The second hides behind the polemical style and the subtle rhetoric of a precise and effective argumentation: fasting is the first instrument of the safety given by God to Man so as to recover the grace lost at the time of the Original Sin, which is a sin of greed. Fasting thus joins within the framework of a reflection both soteriologic because Man has to implement everything to become reconciled with God and because he therefore/thus gets ready to face the powers of flesh and the persecutions of the end of time. Instead of the formula " let us eat and let us drink, because tomorrow we will die ", Tertullian offers another one: " let us fast, because tomorrow we will die " (Iei. 17, 5). The originality of this treaty, very often misunderstood, does not live so much in the formal debate which motivates it as in the double information it gives: it is about a major text in the history of food and religious practices of the Roman society of Carthage at the beginning of the third century A. D; it also imposes itself in the literary and mystic history of the Church, by the originality of its author

Du IIe au IXe siècle, l'attitude de l'Église d'Occident à l'égard de la mort pénale est paradoxale. En théorie, les Pères latins et théologiens du haut Moyen Age en légitiment progressivement le principe. Reconnaissant la valeur de la loi pour préserver l'ordre public, Saint Augustin la justifie théologiquement. Le droit canonique naissant en prend acte. Cependant, les premiers moralistes sont hostiles aux excécutions. Souligant la fonction curative de la peine, l'indulgence du juge et le précepte évangélique du pardon, il lui préfèrent toute action qui permet au coupable de s'amender. Ils rejettent son application aux hérétiques et critiquent les exécutions cruelles, hâtives et spectaculaires. Écartant les peines sanglantes, l'Église interdit aux clercs de prendre part aux affaires capitales. Les conciles défendent le droit d'asile, car il favorise la commutation de la peine de mort. Enfin, les récits hagiographiques témoignent de l'action des saints pour empêcher les exécutions.

Tous les peuples et toutes les cultures célèbrent leurs morts. Les rites funéraires président à la quête de sens face à la mort. Nous sommes intéressé par la question des rites funéraires dans les premiers siècles de l'Afrique du Nord chrétienne. D'où la formulation de notre sujet qui nous guidera tout au long de notre réflexion: "Les rites funéraires dans l'Afrique du Nord chrétienne du 3e siècle au 5e siècle. A la lumière des œuvres de Tertullien, Cyprien, Lactance et Augustin". Comment les chrétiens célébraient-ils leurs morts aux premiers siècles du Christianisme dans un environnement à dominante païenne ? Quel regard les premiers écrivains chrétiens de l’Église d'Afrique ont-ils eu sur les funérailles des païens, et quelle contribution ont-ils apportée face au culte rendu aux morts par les chrétiens ? Concernant l'Afrique du Nord au début de notre ère et pendant l'Empire romain, les célébrations funéraires étaient d'abord l'affaire des familles. Avec Augustin, nous assistons à une évolution du culte des morts que Tertullien, Cyprien et Lactance attestaient déjà
All people and culture celebrate the death for peace of the dead persons and the living one. We are interested in the question of the funeral rites in the first centuries of christian Church of the North Africa. That is why we entitled our subject :" The funeral rites of Early Christian North Africa of the 3rd in the 5th century. In the light of Tertullian, Cyprian, Lactantius and Augustine's works". We try to understand the contents of the funeral rites which presided over the Christian celebrations in honor of the dead in the christian environment of the North Africa. How did the Christians celebrated the death in the first centuries? What are the points of view of the first christian writers in the Africa Church on the pagan funeral that the Christians went on celebrating, and what is their contribution about the cult of dead in the Christian area? About the North Africa at the beginning of our era and during Roman Empire, the funeral celebrations first concerned the families. Thanks to Augustine, at the end of the 4th century and at the beginning of the 5th one, we can notice an important evolution of celebrations in honor of the dead that Tertullian, Cyprian and Lactantius had already initiated.They also acquire at this moment an ecclesial dimension, especially with the cult of the martyrs and their relics. To throw light on the funeral subject in the north Africa, it is necessary to understand the history of the pagan cult of the 3rd to 5th century

If from God’s perspective ‘all the world’s a stage’, theology invites one to think and act according to the view afforded from this height. To speak theologically of a ‘world stage’ as many contemporary theologians have done has required rethinking the Church’s long-established antagonism towards the stage. Of late, theology has opened up academic exchange with the drama’s understanding of ‘the great theatre of the world’. Hans Urs von Balthasar’s theo-drama in particular has given Christians a means for entering into discussion with dramatic forms. Contemporary theological engagements with ‘drama’, however, have been limited to its most literary/metaphorical aspects; less attention has been paid to the potentialities in theology’s exchange with the performance aesthetics of live theatre. Pressed to its logical ends, however, von Balthasar’s idea of a ‘theological dramatics’ and its advances made in contemporary theology, suggest the need for sustained engagement with other modes of dramaturgy, including performance theory and the stage. This thesis attempts to instantiate this theological engagement through the aesthetics of theatrical performance.

Les communautés chrétiennes du paléo-christianisme ont été confrontées à la vie peccamineuse de leurs membres après le baptême, tout particulièrement face aux trois péchés que sont l’idolâtrie, le meurtre et l’adultère et qui constituaient déjà dans la bible l’antithèse absolue de la Torah. Si des auteurs anciens des IIème et IIIème siècles s’intéressent à cette question c’est pour y apporter une réponse, notamment par la mise en place d’une seconde pénitence, post-baptismale. Un groupe chrétien des environs de Rome en pose le principe avec Hermas avant qu’il ne soit développé par Tertullien dans sa communauté de Carthage. Pour sa part, une communauté syrienne qui nous a donné la Didascalie l’organise autour de la personne de l’évêque. Nos auteurs mettent en place des frontières destinées à protéger les membres de leurs communautés contre un retour tant au paganisme qu’au judaïsme
The early Christian communities faced their members peccaminous lives after their baptism, especially with three sins : idolatry, murder and adultery. In the Bible, these sins already constitued the Torah antithesis. If ancient authors from the II and the III centuries were interested in this matter, it was to be able to give an answer while introducing a second penance post-baptismal. In the area around Roma, a group of christians established this new principle with Hermas before it started to be developped by Tertullien in Carthage. For its part, the Syrian community who gave us the Didascalia organised it around the personn of the bishop. Our authors started to place the boundaries to be destined to protect their community members to retourn to paganism and judaism

The resource allocation and utilization discourse is dominated by debates about rights particularly individual property rights and ownership. This is due largely to the philosophic foundations provided by Hobbes and Locke and adopted by Bentham. In our community, though, resources come not merely with rights embedded but also obligations. The relevant laws and equitable principles which give shape to our shared rights and obligations with respect to resources take cognizance not merely of the title to the resource (the proprietary right) but the particular context in which the right is exercised. Moral philosophy regarding resource utilisation has from ancient times taken cognizance of obligations but with ascendance of modernity, the agenda of moral philosophy regarding resources, has been dominated, at least since John Locke, by a preoccupation with property rights; the ethical obligations associated with resource management have been largely ignored. The particular social context has also been ignored. Exploring this applied ethical terrain regarding resource utilisation, this thesis: (1) Revisits the justifications for modem property rights (and in that the exclusion of obligations); (2) Identifies major deficiencies in these justifications and reasons for this; (3) Traces the concept of stewardship as understood in classical Greek writing and in the New Testament, and considers its application in the Patristic period and by Medieval and reformist writers, before turning to investigate its influence on legal and equitable concepts through to the current day; 4) Discusses the nature of the stewardship obligation,maps it and offers a schematic for applying the Stewardship Paradigm to problems arising in daily life; and, (5) Discusses the way in which the Stewardship Paradigm may be applied by, and assists in resolving issues arising from within four dominant philosophic world views: (a) Rawls' social contract theory; (b) Utilitarianism as discussed by Peter Singer; (c) Christianity with particular focus on the theology of Douglas Hall; (d) Feminism particularly as expressed in the ethics of care of Carol Gilligan; and, offers some more general comments about stewardship in the context of an ethically plural community.

Le présent travail est consacré à la formation de l'idéal de tempérance aux cours des deux premiers siècles de notre ère. Nous avons commencé par reconstruire la notion de tempérance dès sa première apparition dans la culture de la polis classique et telle qu'elle a été élaborée par Platon et Aristote. Dans le deuxième chapitre nous nous sommes occupé de l'éthique des philosophies héllénistiques qui, surtout par la voix des épicuriens et des stoïciens, prêchent la liberté psychologique de l'homme des passions les plus redoutables, telle que la colère, l'envie, l'ambition, le désir de richesse et de pouvoir, ou la soumission au plaisir de l'eros et de la table. On a pu constater que l'enseignement de ces philosophes se répand à Rome, où Lucrèce, Cicéron, Sénèque, Epictète, et d'autres philosophes approfondissent le sujet. Dans le troisième chapitre, nous nous sommes consacré à l'influence des mêmes notions sur des intellectuels qui n'étaient pas des professionnels de la philosophie. Parmi ceux-ci, il y a naturellement, les médecins, auxquels nous avons consacré le chapitre suivant. On a vu ainsi comment Galien s'empare d'un grand savoir à la fois philosophique et médical afin de se présenter comme le tuteur de la santé tant physique que morale de l'humanité. Et on suivi la formulation de son idéal de santé qui va toujours dans la direction de la tempérance à laquelle son patient, à savoir l'humanité entière, se doit conformer. On a finalement consacré un chapitre conclusif aux propositions éthiques de deux grands du christianisme, Saint Paul et Tertullien
The present work concerns the development of the ideal temperance during the I and II century A. D. I started by reconstructing the notion of temperance since its first manifestation in the culture of the classical polis, dealing also with its elaboration by both Plato and Aristotle. In the second chapter I dealt with the ethical thought of the Hellenistic philosophers who, namely through the epicureans and the stoics proclaim the man's psychological freedom from the most formidable passions such as rage, envy, ambition, desire of richness and power, or submission to the pleasures of Eros, of food and drink. I could realize to what extent such teachings spread in Rome, where they are developed by Lucretius, Cicero, Seneca, Epictetus and other philosophers. The third chapter is devoted to the influence of the same notions upon intellectuals who were not philosophers by profession, namely physicians who represent the subject of the following chapter. So I have seen how Galen could be able to master a great culture both philosophical and medical in order to become the tutor of both moral and physical health of mankind. And we also followed the formulation of his ideal of health which systematically aims at a temperate behaviour on the part of his patient, who is the whole of mankind. We devoted our last chapter to the ethical propositions of two champions of Christianity, St Paul and Tertullian

This thesis will attempt to gauge the accuracy of Tertullian's Adversus Marcionem, particularly in the area of theology. Sources other than Tertullian, mostly his fellow heresiologists, will be used to form a picture of Marcionite thought, against which I will compare Tertullian's representation in the Adversus Marcionem. From this comparison I hope to be able to shed some light on how accurate Tertullian is in his discussion of Marcionite theology. The thesis will focus mainly on books 1-3 of the Adversus Marcionem.